Systems of consanguinity and affinity of the human family

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

ARTICLE I. INTRODUCTION. Pp. 14.

Advertisement . ' • •

List of Officers of the Smithsonian Institution . . . . iv

ARTICLE II. SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. By
LEWIS II. MORGAN. Accepted for Publication, January, 1868. Pub-
lished June, 1870. 4to pp. 602. Fourteen Plates and six Diagrams.

SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO KNOWLEDGE.

S Y S T EM S

CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

CF THE

UMAN FAMILY.

BY

LEWIS H. MORGAN.

[ACCEPTED FOR PUBLICATION, JANUARY, 1868.]

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE present memoir was first referred to a commission consisting of Professor
J. H. Mcllvaine and Professor William Henry Green, of Princeton, New Jersey,
who recommended its publication, but advised certain changes in the method of
presenting the subject. After these modifications had been made, it was submitted
to the American Oriental Society, and was by it referred to a special committee,
consisting of Messrs. Hadley, Trumbull, and Whitney, who, having critically
examined the memoir, reported that it contained a series of highly interesting
facts which they believed the students of philology and ethnology, though they
might not accept all the conclusions of the author, would welcome as valuable
contributions to science.

JOSEPH HENRY,

Secretary S. I.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
1870.

(iii)

PREFACE.

PHILOLOGY has proved itself an admirable instrument for the classification of
nations into families upon the basis of linguistic affinities. A comparison of the
vocables and of the grammatical forms of certain languages has shown them to be
dialects of a common speech ; and these dialects, under a common name, have thus
been restored to their original unity as a family of languages. In this manner, and
by this instrumentality, the nations of the earth have been reduced, with more or
less of certainty, to a small number of independent families.

Some of these families have been more definitely circumscribed than others.
The Aryan and Semitic languages have been successfully traced to their limits, and
the people by whom they are severally spoken are now recognized as families in
the strict and proper sense of the term. Of those remaining, the Turanian is
rather a great assemblage of nations, held together by slender affinities, than a
family in the Aryan or Semitic sense. With respect to the Malayan it approaches
nearer to the true standard, although its principal divisions are marked by
considerable differences. The Chinese and its cognates, as monosyllabic tongues,
are probably entitled upon linguistic grounds to the distinction of an independent
family of languages. On the other hand, the dialects and stock languages of the
American aborigines have not been explored, with sufficient thoroughness, to
determine the question whether they were derived from a common speech. So far
as the comparisons have been made they have been found to agree in general plan
and in grammatical structure.

The remarkable results of comparative philology, and the efficiency of the
method upon which as a science it proceeds, yield encouraging assurance that it
will ultimately reduce all the nations of mankind to families as clearly circum-
scribed as the Aryan and Semitic. But it is probable that the number of these
families, as finally ascertained, will considerably exceed the number now recognized.
When this work of philology has been fully accomplished, the question will remain
whether the connection of any two or more of these families can be determined
from the materials of language. Such a result is not improbable, and yet, up to
the present time, no analysis of language, however searching and profound, has

vi PREFACE.

been able to cross the barrier which separates the Aryan from the Semitic lan-
guages,— and these are the two most thoroughly explored, — and discover the pro-
cesses by which, if originally derived from a common speech, they have become
radically changed in their ultimate forms. It was with special reference to the
bearing which the systems of consanguinity and affinity of the several families of
mankind might have upon this vital question, that the research, the results of
which are contained in this volume, was undertaken.

In the systems of relationship of the great families of mankind some of the
oldest memorials of human thought and experience are deposited and preserved.
They have been handed down as transmitted systems, through the channels of the
blood, from the earliest ages of man's existence upon the earth ; but revealing
certain definite and progressive changes with the growth of man's experience in
the ages of barbarism. To such conclusions the evidence, drawn from a comparison
of the forms which now prevail in different families, appears to tend.

All the forms thus far discovered resolve themselves, in a comprehensive sense,
into two, the descriptive and the classificatory, which are the reverse of each other
in their fundamental conceptions. As systems of consanguinity each contains a
plan, for the description and classification of kindred, the formation of which was
an act of intelligence and knowledge. They ascend by the chain of derivation to
a remote antiquity, from which, as defined and indurated forms, their propagation
commenced. Whether as organic forms they are capable of crossing the line of
demarcation which separates one family from another, and of yielding evidence of
the ethnic connection of such families, will depend upon the stability of these
forms, and their power of self-perpetuation in the streams of the blood through
indefinite periods of time. For the purpose of determining, by ample tests, whether
these systems possess such attributes, the investigation has been extended over a
field sufficiently wide to embrace four-fifths and upwards, numerically, of the entire
human family. The results are contained in the Tables.

A comparison of these systems, and a careful study of the slight but clearly
marked changes through which they have passed, have led, most unexpectedly, to
the recovery, conjecturally at least, of the great series or sequence of customs and
institutions which mark the pathway of man's progress through the ages of barba-
rism ; and by means of which he raised himself from a state of promiscuous inter-
course to final civilization. f The general reader may be startled by the principal
inference drawn from the classificatory system of relationship, namely, that it
originated in the intermarriage of brothers and sisters in a communal family, and
that this was the normal state of marriage, as well as of the family, in the early
part of the unmeasured ages of barbarism. But the evidence in support of this
conclusion seems to be decisive. Although it is difficult to conceive of the exT

PREFACE. vii

tremity of a barbarism, which such a custom presupposes, it is a reasonable
presumption that progress through and out from it was by successive stages of
advancement, and through great reformatory movements. Indeed, it seems probable
that the progress of mankind was greater in degree, and in the extent of its range,
in the ages of barbarism than it has been since in the ages of civilization; and
that it was a harder, more doubtful, and more intense struggle to reach the thresh-
old of the latter, than it has been since to reach its present status. Civilization
must be regarded as the fruit, the final reward, of the vast and varied experience
of mankind in the barbarous ages. The experiences of the two conditions are
successive links of a common chain of which one cannot be interpreted without
the other. This system of relationship, instead of revolting the mind, discloses
with sensible clearness, " the hole of the pit whence [we have been] digged" by
the good providence of God.

A large number of inferior nations are unrepresented in the Tables, and to that
extent the exposition is incomplete. But it is believed that they are formed upon
a scale sufficiently comprehensive for the determination of two principal questions:
First, whether a system of relationship can be employed, independently, as a basis
for the classification of nations into a family 1 and, secondly, whether the systems
of two or more families, thus constituted, can deliver decisive testimony concern-
ing the ethnic connection of such families when found in disconnected areas 1
Should their uses for these purposes be demonstrated in the affirmative, it will not
be difficult to extend the investigation into the remaining nations.

In the progress of the inquiry it became necessary to detach from the Turanian
family the Turk and Finn stocks, and to erect them into an independent family.
It was found that they possessed a system of relationship fundamentally different
from that which prevailed in the principal branches of the Southern division, which,
in strictness, stood at the head of the family. The new family, which for the
reasons stated I have ventured to make, I have named the Uralian. At the
same time the Chinese have been returned to the Turanian family upon the basis of
their possession, substantially, of the Turanian system of consanguinity. Still
another innovation upon the received classification of the Asiatic nations was ren-
dered necessary from the same consideration. That portion of the people of India
who speak the Gaura language have been transferred from the Aryan to the Tura-
nian family, where their system of consanguinity places them. Although ninety
per centum of the vocables of the several dialects of this language are Sanskritic,
against ten per centum of the aboriginal speech, yet the grammar as well as the
system of relationship, follows the aboriginal form.1 If grammatical structure is

1 CaldwelFs Dravidian Comp. Gram. Intro, p. 39.

PREFACE.

the governing law in the classification of dialects and stock languages, and this is
one of the accepted canons of philology,1 then the " Dialects of India," as they are
called in the Genealogical Table of the Aryan Family of Languages, do not, for
this reason, properly belong in that connection, but in the Turanian. 'Their
system of relationship, which has followed the preponderance of numbers or of the
blood, is also Turanian in form, although greatly modified by Sanskritic influence.
The Sanskritic people of India, notwithstanding their Aryan descent, and the
probable purity of their blood to the present day, have been, in a linguistic sense,
absorbed into an aboriginal stock. Having lost their native tongue, which became
a dead language, they have been compelled to adopt the vernacular idioms of the
barbarians whom they conquered, and to content themselves with furnishing, from
the opulent Sanskrit, the body of the vocables, whilst the remainder and the gram-
mar were derived from the aboriginal speech. If they are ever rescued from this
classification it must be affected through reasons independent of their present lan-
guage and system of consanguinity.

LEWIS II. MORGAN.

ROCHESTER, NEW YORK,
January, 1866.

Acknowledgments.

For the materials, out of which the Tables were formed, I am indebted upon a
scale which far outruns my ability to render a sufficient acknowledgment. The
names attached to the list of schedules will afford some impression of the extent to
which correspondents in foreign countries must have been taxed, as well as wearied,
in studying through the intricate and elaborate forms they were severally solicited
to investigate, and to develop in a systematic manner upon a schedule of printed
questions. Without their co-operation, as well as gratuitous labor, it would have
been impossible to present the Tables, except those relating to the American Indian
nations. Each schedule should be received as the separate contribution of the
person by whom it was made, and the credit of whatever information it contains is
due to him. Without intending to discriminate, in the least, amongst the number
of those named in the Tables, I desire to mention the fact that much the largest
number of the foreign schedules were furnished by American missionaries. There
is no class of men upon the earth, whether considered as scholars, as philanthro-
pists, or as gentlemen, who have earned for themselves a more distinguished repu-
tation. Their labors, their self-denial, and their endurance in the work to which

1 Muller's Science of Language. Scribner's ed., p. 82.

PREFACE. ix

they have devoted their time and their great abilities, are worthy of admiration.
Their contributions to history, to ethnology, to philology, to geography, and to
religious literature, form a lasting monument to their fame. The renown which
encircles their names falls as a wreath of honor upon the name of their country.

I am also indebted to S. B. Treat, D. D., Secretary of the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions; to Hon. Walter Lowrie, Secretary of the
Board of Missions of the Presbyterian Church ; to J. G. Warren, D. D., Secretary
of the American Baptist Missionary Union; and to Rev. Philip Peltz, Secretary of the
Board of Missions of the American Dutch Reformed Church, for their co-operation,
and for the facilities which they afforded me during a protracted correspondence
with the missionaries of their respective boards.

In an especial manner I am indebted to the Smithsonian Institution for efficient
co-operation in procuring materials for this work.

To the late Hon. Lewis -Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, and to his
immediate successor, Hon. William H. Seward, I am also under very great obliga-
tions for commending this investigation to the diplomatic and consular representa-
tives of the United States in foreign -countries ; and for government facilities
whilst conducting with them an equally extended correspondence.

Among many others whom I ought to mention I must not omit the names of my
friends J. H. Mcllvaine, D. D., of the College of New Jersey, who has been
familiar with the nature and objects of this research from its commencement, and
from whom I have received many important suggestions ; Chester Dewey, D. D.,
of the University of Rochester, now an octogenarian, but with undiminished relish
for knowledge in all its forms, whose friendly advice it has been my frequent
privilege to accept ; and Samuel P. Ely, Esq., of Marquette, at whose hospitable
home on Lake Superior the plan for the prosecution of this investigation was
formed.

There is still another class 01 persons to whom my obligations are by no means
the least, and they arc the native American Indians of many different nations, both
men and women, who from natural kindness of heart, and to gratify the wishes of a
stranger, have given me their time and attention for hours, and even days together,
in what to them must have been a tedious and unrelished labor. Without the
information obtained from them it would have been entirely impossible to present
the system of relationship of the Indian family.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

ADVERTISEMENT .......... iii

1 REFACE •••••••••••V

PART I.

DESCRIPTIVE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.
ARYAN, SEMITIC, AND URALIAN FAMILIES.

CHAP. I. Introduction ......... 3

II. General Observations upon Systems of Relationships . . . .10

III. System of Relationship of the Aryan Family . . . . .16

IV. System of Relationship of the Aryan Family — Continued . . . .29
V. System of Relationship of the Semitic Family . . . . .50

VI. System of Relationship of the Uralian Family . . . . .57

APPENDIX TO PAKT I. Table of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Semitic, Aryan, and

TJralian Families . . . . . . .71

PART II.

CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.

GANOWANIAN FAMILY.

CHAP. I. System of Relationship of the Ganowaniau Family . . . .131

II. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 150

III. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 170

IV. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 200
V. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 230

VI. System of Relationship of the Ganowanian Family — Continued . . . 254

VII. System of Relationship of the Eskimo • . . . . . . 267

APPENDIX TO PART II. System of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Ganowanian Family . 279

(xi)

xii CONTENTS.

PART III.

CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP— CONTINUED.
TURANIAN AND MALAYAN FAMILIES.

PAGE

CHAP. I. System of Relationship of the Turanian Family ... .385

II. System of Relationship of the Turanian Family — Continued . . . 399

III. System of Relationship of the Turanian .Family — Continued . . . 413

IV. System of Relationship of Unclassified Asiatic Nations .... 438
V. System of Relationship of the Malayan Family ... . 448

VI. General Results . . . . . . . . .467

APPENDIX TO PAKT III. Table of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Turanian and Malayan

Families .... 515

PART I.

DESCRIPTIVE SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.

ARYAN, SEMITIC, AND URALIAN FAMILIES.

WITH A TABLE.

1 May, 1868. ( 1 )

CHAPTEE I.
INTRODUCTION.

Causes which induced this Investigation — Peculiar System of Relationship among the Iroqnois — Discovery of the
same among the Ojibwas — Inferences from their Identity — Its prevalence throughout the Indian Family rendered
probable — Plan adopted to determine the Question — Results Reached — Evidence of the existence of the same
Systetn in Asia obtained — Range of the Investigation Extended — Necessity for including, as far as possible, all
the Families of Mankind — Method of Prosecuting the Inquiry — General Results — Materials Collected — Order of
Arrangement — Tables of Consanguinity and Affinity — Systems of Relationship as a Basis of Classification — Their
Use in Ethnological Investigations.

As far back as the year 1846, while collecting materials illustrative of the
institutions of the Iroquois, I found among them, in daily use, a system of relation-
ship for the designation and classification of kindred, both unique and extraordinary
in its character, and wholly unlike any with which we are familiar. In the year
185 11 I published a brief account of this singular system, which I then supposed
to be of their own invention, and regarded as remarkable chiefly for its novelty.
Afterwards, in 1857,2 1 had occasion to reexamine the subject, when the idea of its
possible prevalence among other Indian nations suggested itself, together with its
uses, in that event, for ethnological purposes. In the following summer, while on
the south shore of Lake Superior, I ascertained the system of the Ojibwa Indians;
and, although prepared in some measure for the result, it was with some degree
of surprise that I found among them the same elaborate and complicated system
which then existed among the Iroquois. Every term of relationship was radically
different from the corresponding term in the Iroquois; but the classification of
kindred was the same. It was manifest that the two systems were identical in
their fundamental characteristics. It seemed probable, also, that both were
derived from a common source, since it was not supposable that two peoples,
speaking dialects of stock-languages as widely separated as the Algonkin and
Iroquois, could simultaneously have invented the same system, or derived it by
borrowing one from the other.

From this fact of identity several inferences at once suggested themselves. As
its prevalence among the Seneca-Iroquois rendered probable its like prevalence
among other nations speaking dialects of the Iroquois stock-language, so its
existence and use among the Ojibwas rendered equally probable its existence and
use among the remaining nations speaking dialects of the Algonkin speech. If
investigation should establish the affirmative of these propositions it would give to

1 League of the Iroquois, p. 85.

• Proceedings of American Association for Advancement of Science for 1857, Part II., p. 132.

(3)

4 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

the system a wide distribution. In the second place, its prevalence among these
nations would render probable its like prevalence among the residue of the
American aborigines. If, then, it should be found to be universal among them, it
would follow that the system was coeval, in point of time, with the commencement
of their dispersion over the American continent; and also that, as a system trans-
mitted with the blood, it might contain the necessary evidence to establish their
unity of origin. And in the third place, if the Indian family came, in fact, from
Asia, it would seem that they must have brought the system with them from that
continent, and have left it behind them among the people from whom they sepa-
rated; further than this, that its perpetuation upon this continent would rendei
probable its like perpetuation upon the Asiatic, where it might still be found;
and, finally, that it might possibly furnish some evidence upon the question of the
Asiatic origin of the Indian family.

This series of presumptions and inferences was very naturally suggested by the
discovery of the same system of consanguinity and affinity in nations speaking
dialects of two stock-languages. It was not an extravagant series of speculations
upon the given basis, as will be more fully understood when the Seneca and Ojibwa
systems are examined and compared. On this simple and obvious line of thought
I determined to follow up the subject until it was ascertained whether the system
was universal among the American aborigines; and, should it become reasonably
probable that such was the fact, then to pursue the inquiry upon the Eastern Con-
tinent, and among the islands of the Pacific.

The work was commenced by preparing a schedule of questions describing the
persons in the lineal, and the principal persons embraced in the first five collateral
lines, which, when answered, would give their relationship to Ego, and thus spread
out in detail the system of consanguinity and affinity of any nation with fullness
and particularity. This schedule, with an explanatory letter, was sent in the form
of a printed circular to the several Indian missions in the United States, to the
commanders of the several military posts in the Indian country, and to the
government Indian agents. It was expected to procure the information by
correspondence as the principal instrumentality. From the complicated nature of
the subject the results, as might, perhaps, have been foreseen, were inconsiderable.
This first disappointment was rather a fortunate occurrence than otherwise, since it
forced me either to abandon the investigation, or to prosecute it, so far as the
Indian nations were concerned, by personal inquiry. It resulted in the several
annual explorations among the Indian nations, the fruits of which will be found in
Tables II., which is attached to Part II. By this means all the nations, with but
a few exceptions, between the Atlantic and the Rocky Mountains, and between the
Arctic Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, were reached directly, and their systems of
relationship procured. Some of the schedules, however, were obtained by corre-
spondence, from other parties.

Having ascertained as early as the year 1859 that the system prevailed in the
five principal Indian stock-languages east of the mountains, as well as in several
of the dialects of each, its universal diffusion throughout the Indian family had
become extremely probable. This brought me to the second stage of the investi-

OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 5

gation, namely, to find whether it prevailed in other parts of the world. To
determine that question would require an extensive foreign correspondence, which
a private individual coukl not hope to maintain successfully. To make the attempt
effectual would require the intervention of the national government, or the co-ope-
ration of some literary or scientific institution. It is one of the happy features of
American society that any citizen may ask the assistance of his government, or ef
any literary or scientific institution in the country, with entire freedom ; and with
the further consciousness that his wishes will be cheerfully acceded to if deserving
of encouragement. This removed what might otherwise have been a serious
obstacle. In this spirit I applied to Prof. Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smith-
sonian Institution, for the use of the name of theiatter in foreign countries in the
conduct of the correspondence ; and further desired him to procure a letter from
the Secretary of State of the United States to our diplomatic and consular repre-
sentatives abroad, commending the subject to their favorable attention. With
both of these requests Prof. Henry complied in the most cordial manner. From
January, 1860, until the close of the investigation, the larger part of the corre-
spondence was conducted under the official name of the Institution, or under cover
by the Secretary of State. By these means an unusual degree of attention was
secured to the work in foreign countries, the credit of which is due to the influence
of the Smithsonian Institution, and to the official circular of the late General Cass,
then Secretary of State. In addition to these arrangements I had previously
solicited and obtained the co-operation of the secretaries of the several American
missionary boards, which enabled me to reach, under equally favorable conditions,
a large number of American missionaries in Asia and Africa, and among the
islands of the Pacific. .^-.

From the distinguished Ame-incan missionary, Dr. Henry W. Scudder, of Arcot,
India, who happened to be in. -this country in 1859, I had obtained some evidence
of the existence of the American Indian system of relationship among the Tamilian
people of South-India. This discovery opened still wider the range of the proposed
investigation. It became necessary to find the limits within which the systems of
the Aryan and Semitic families prevailed, in order to ascertain the line of demarca-
tion between their forms and that of the eastern Asiatics. The circumscription of
one was necessary to the circumscription of the other. In addition to this it seemed
imperative to include the entire human family within the scope of the research,
and to work out this comprehensive plan as fully as might be possible. The
nearer this ultimate point was approximated the more instructive would be the
final results. It was evident that the full significance of identity of systems in
India and America would be lost unless the knowledge was made definite concern-
ing the relations of the Indo-American system of relationship to those of the
western nations of Europe and Asia, and also to those of the nations of Africa and
Polynesia. This seeming necessity greatly increased the magnitude of the under-
taking, and at the same time encumbered the subject with a mass of subordinate
materials.

In the further prosecution of the enterprise the same schedule and circular were
sent to the principal missions of the several American boards, with a request that

6 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

the former might be filled out, according to its design, with the system of rela-
tionship of the people among whom they were respectively established ; and that
such explanations might be given as would be necessary to its interpretation. This
class of men possess peculiar qualifications for linguistic and ethnological researches ;
and, more than this, they reside among the nations whose systems of consanguinity
were relatively of the most importance for the purpose in hand. The tables Avill
show how admirably they performed the task.

They were also sent to the diplomatic and consular representatives of the United
States in foreign countries, through whom another, and much larger, portion of
the human family was reached. By their instrumentality, chiefly, the system of
the Aryan family was procured. A serious difficulty, however, was met in this
direction, in a difference of language, which the official agents of the government
were unable, in many cases, to surmount. In Europe and Asia the number of
schedules obtained through them, in a completely executed form, was even larger
than would reasonably have been expected ; while in Africa, in South America,
and in Mexico and Central America the failure was nearly complete.

To supply these deficiencies an attempt was made to reach the English missions
*!! the Eastern Archipelago and in Polynesia ; and also Spanish America through
the Roman Catholic bishops and clergy of those countries ; but the efforts proved
unsuccessful.

The foregoing are the principal, but not the exclusive, sources from which the
materials contained in the tables were derived.

A large number of schedules, when returned, were found to be imperfectly filled
out. Misapprehension of the nature and object of the investigation was the prin-
cipal cause. The most usual form of mistake was the translation of the questions
into the native language, which simply reproduced the questions and left them
unanswered. A person unacquainted with the details of his own system of rela-
tionship might be misled by the form of each question which describes a person,
and not at once perceive that the true answer should give the relationship sustained
by this person to Ego. As our own system is descriptive essentially, a correct
answer to most of the questions would describe a person very much in the form of
the question itself, if the system of the nation was descriptive. But, on the con-
trary, if it was classificatory, such answers would not only be incorrect in fact, but
would fail to show the true system. The utmost care was taken to guard against
this misapprehension, but, notwithstanding, the system of several important nations,
thus imperfectly procured, was useless from the difficulty, not to say impossibility,
of repeating the attempt in remote parts of the earth, where it required two years,
and sometimes three, for a schedule to be received and returned. In some cases,
where the correspondent was even as accessible as India, it required that length of
time, and the exchange of several letters, to correct and perfect the details of a single
schedule. Every system of relationship is intrinsically difficult until it has been
carefully studied. The classificatory form is complicated in addition to being diffi-
cult, and totally unlike our own. It is easy, therefore, to perceive that when a
person was requested to Avork out, in detail, the system of a foreign people he would
find it necessary, in the first instance, to master his own, and after that to meet

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 7

and overcome the difficulties of another, and, perhaps, radically different form.
With these considerations in mind it is a much greater cause for surprise that so
many schedules were completely executed than that a considerable number should
have failed to be so.

The schedule is necessarily self-corrective as to a portion of the persons described,
since the position of Ego and his or her correlative person is reversed in different
questions. It was also made self-confirmatory in other ways, so that a careful
examination would determine the question of its correctness or non-correctness in
essential particulars. This was especially true with respect to the classificatory
system. Notwithstanding all the efforts made to insure correctness, it is not sup-
posable that the tables are free from errors ; on the contrary, it is very probable
that a critical examination will bring to light a large number. I believe, however,
that they will be found to be substantially correct.

It was a matter of some difficulty to determine the proper order of arrangement
of the materials thus brought together. The natural order of the subject has been
followed as closely as possible. All the forms of consanguinity exhibited in the
tables resolve themselves into two, the descriptive and the classificatory. Of these
the former is the most simple in its structure, and for this reason should be first
considered. It embraces the systems of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families,
which are identical in their radical characteristics. The classificatory system has
one principal form, the Indo-American, and two subordinate forms, the Malayan
and the Eskimo. Of these, the Malayan is the most simple, and probably under-
lying form, and, as such, would come first ; after this in its natural order would be
either the Turanian or the American Indian, at convenience, since each stands in
the same relation to the Malayan; and after these the Eskimo, which stands discon-
nected from the systems of either of the families named. But it was found advisable
to reverse this order, as to the classificatory form, on account of the preponderating
amount of materials, and to consider, first, the American Indian, then the
Turanian, and after all these the Malayan and Eskimo.

In Part I., after discussing the elements of a system of relationship considered
in the abstract, the Roman form of consanguinity and affinity is taken up and
explained with fulness and particularity, as typical of the system of the Aryan
family. This is followed by a brief exposition of the forms which prevail in other
branches of the family for the purpose of indicating the differences between them
and the typical form; and also to ascertain the general characteristics of the
system. The systems of the Semitic and Uralian families are then treated in the
same manner, and compared with the Aryan form. By this means, also, the
limits of the spread of the descriptive system of relationship are determined.

In Part II., after discussing certain preliminary facts, the Seneca-Iroquois
form is first explained with minuteness of detail, as typical of the system of the
American Indian family. After this the several forms in the remaining branches
of this family are presented ; confining the discussion, so far as could properly be
done, to the points of difference between them and the typical system.

In Part III., the Tamilian form is first presented and explained as typical of
the system of the Turanian family ; after which the forms that prevail among tho

8 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

other Asiatic nations represented in the tables, are considered and compared with
the typical form. These are necessarily presented with fulness of detail, particu-
larly the Chinese, from the great amount of divergence from the typical form
which they exhibit. After this the system of the Malayan family, of which the
Hawaiian form is typical, is presented and explained in the same manner. The
Eskimo system concludes the series.

Lastly, the general results of a comparison of these several forms, together with
a conjectural solution of the origin of the classificatory system, furnish the subject
of a concluding chapter.

The tables, however, are the main results of this investigation. In their
importance and value they reach far beyond any present use of their contents
which the writer may be able to indicate. If they can be perfected, and the
systems of the unrepresented nations be supplied, their value would be greatly
increased. The classification of nations is here founded upon a comparison of
their several forms of consanguinity. With some exceptions, it harmonizes with
that previously established upon the basis of linguistic affinities. One rests upon
blood, the preponderance of which is represented by the system of relationship;
the other is founded upon language, the affinities of which are represented by
grammatical structure. One follows ideas indicated in a system of relationship and
transmitted with the blood ; the other follows ideas indicated in forms of speech
and transmitted in the same manner. It may be a question which class of ideas
has been perpetuated through the longest periods of time.

In Table I., which is appended to Part I., will be found the system of the
Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families ; in Table II., which is likewise appended
to Part II., that of the American Indian family; and in Table IV., which is
appended to Part III., that of the Turanian and Malayan families. The plan
adopted in framing these tables was to bring each specific relationship, among a
certain number of affiliated nations, into the same column, so that their agreement
or disagreement as to any particular relationship might be seen at a glance. This
arrangement will facilitate the comparison. The names of the several nations,
whose systems are brought together, will be found in a column on the left of the
page ; and the descriptions of the several persons, whose relationships to Ego are
shown, are written in a consecutive series at the top of the several columns. In
this series the lineal line is first given. This is followed by the first collateral line
in its male and female branches ; and this, in turn, by the second collateral line in
its male and female branches on the father's side, and in its male and female
branches on the mother's side ; after which, but less fully extended, will be found
the third, fourth, and fifth collateral lines. An inspection of the tables will make
the method sufficiently obvious.

If these tables prove sufficient to demonstrate the utility of systems of relation-
ship in the prosecution of ethnological investigations, one of the main objects of
this work will be accomplished. The number of nations represented is too small
to exhibit all the special capabilities of this instrumentality. The more thoroughly
the system is explored in the different nations of the same family of speech, espe-
cially where the form is classificatory, the more ample and decisive the evidence

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 9

will become which bears upon the question of their genetic connection. The
threads of this connection between remotely affiliated nations are sometimes
recovered in the most unexpected manner. These tables, therefore, as but the
commencement of the work if this new instrument in ethnology invite the test
of criticism. The remaining nations of the earth can be reached and their systems
procured, should it seem to be desirable ; and it may be found that this is the most
simple as well as compendious method for the classification of nations upon the
basis of affinity of blood.1

1 In the appendix to this volume will be found a schedule of questions adapted to this work.
Any person interested in the furtherance of this object, who will procure the system of any nation
not represented in the tables, or correct or complete any deficient schedule therein, will render a
special service to the author. The schedule may be sent to the Smithsonian Institution, at Wash-
ington; and when published full credit will be given to the person furnishing the same.

May, 186a

10 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

CHAPTER II.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS UPON SYSTEMS OF RELATIONS HI PS.

Marriage the basis of the Family Relationships — Systems of Consanguinity and AS nity — Each Person the Centre of
a Group of Kindred— The System of Nature Numerical — Not necessarily adopted— Every System embodies Defi-
nite Ideas It is a Domestic Institution — Two Radical Forms — The Descriptive, and the Classificatory — Aryan,

Semitic, and Uraliau Families have the former — Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan the latter — Divergence
of Collateral Lines from Lineal, Characteristic of the First — Mergence of Collateral Lines in the Lineal, of the
Second — Uses of these Systems depend upon the Permanence of their Radical Forms — Evidence of their Modi-
fication— Direction of the Change — Causes which tend to the Stability of their Radical Features.

IN considering the elements of a system of consanguinity the existence of mar-
riage between single pairs must be assumed. Marriage forms the basis of rela-
tionships. In the progress of the inquiry it may become necessary to consider a
system with this basis fluctuating, and, perhaps, altogether wanting. The alter-
native assumption of each may be essential to include all the elements of the
subject in its practical relations. The natural and necessary connection of
consanguinei with each other would be the same in both cases; but with this
difference, that in the former the lines of descent from parent to child would be
known, while in the latter they would, to a greater or less extent, be incapable
of ascertainment. These considerations might affect the form of the system of
consanguinity.

The family relationships are as ancient as the family. They exist in virtue
of the law of derivation, which is expressed by the perpetuation of the species
through the marriage relation. A system of consanguinity, which is founded upon
a community of blood, is but the formal expression and recognition of these
relationships. Around every person there is a circle or group of kindred of
which such person is the centre, the Ego, from whom the degree of the relationship
is reckoned, and to whom the relationship itself returns. Above him are his
father and his mother and their ascendants, below him are his children and their
descendants; while upon either side are his brothers and sisters and their
descendants, and the brothers and sisters of his father and of his mother and their
descendants, as well as a much greater number of collateral relatives descended
from common ancestors still more remote. To him they are nearer in degree than
other individuals of the nation at large. A formal arrangement of the more
immediate blood kindred into lines of descent, with the adoption of some method
to distinguish one relative from another, and to express the value of the relation-
ship, would be one of the earliest acts of human intelligence.

Should the inquiry be made how far nature suggests a uniform method or plan

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 11

for the discrimination of the several relationships, and for the arrangement of
kindred into distinct lines of uescent, the answer would be difficult, unless it was
first assumed that marriage between single pairs had always existed, thus rendering
definite the lines of parentage. With this point established, or assumed, a natural
system, numerical in its character, will be found underlying any form which man
may contrive ; and which, resting upon an ordinance of nature, is both universal
and unchangeable. Ah1 of the descendants of an original pair, through intermedi-
ate pairs, stand to each other in fixed degrees of proximity, the nearness or re-
moteness of which is a mere matter of computation. If we ascend from ancestor
to ancestor in the lineal line, and again descend through the several collateral lines
until the widening circle of kindred circumscribes- millions of the living and the
dead, all of these individuals, in virtue of their descent from common ancestors,
are bound to the "Ego" by the chain of consanguinity.

The blood relationships, to which specific terms have been assigned, under the
system of the Aryan family, are few in number. They are grandfather and grand-
mother, father and mother, brother and sister, son and daughter, grandson and
granddaughter, uncle and aunt, nephew and niece, and cousin. Those more
remote in degree are described either by an augmentation or by a combination of
these terms. After these are the affineal or marriage relationships, which are
husband and wife, father-in-law and mother-in-law, son-in-law and daughter-in-law,
brother-in-law and sister-in-law, step-father and step-mother, step-son and step-
daughter, and step-brother and step-sister; together with such of the husbands and
wives of blood relatives as receive the corresponding designation by courtesy.
These terms are barely sufficient to indicate specifically the nearest relationships,
leaving much the largest number to be described by a combination of terms.

So familiar are these ancient household words, and the relationships which they
indicate, that a classification of kindred by means of them, according to their
degrees of nearness, would seem to be not only a simple undertaking, but, when
completed, to contain nothing of interest beyond its adaptation to answer a
necessary want. But, since these specific terms are entirely inadequate to desig-
nate a person's kindred, they contain in themselves only the minor part of the
system. An arrangement into lines, with descriptive phrases to designate such
relatives as fall without the specific terms, becomes necessary to its completion.
In the mode of arrangement and of description diversities may exist. Every
system of consanguinity must be able to ascend and descend in the lineal line
through several degrees from any given person, and to specify the relationship of
each to Ego ; and also from the lineal, to enter the several collateral lines and
follow and describe the collateral relatives through several generations. When
spread out in detail and examined, every scheme of consanguinity and affinity will
be found to rest upon definite ideas, and to be framed, so far as it contains any
plan, with reference to particular ends. In fine, a system of relationship, originat-
ing in necessity, is a domestic institution, which serves to organize a family by
the bond of consanguinity. As such it possesses a degree of vitality and a power
of self-perpetuation commensurate with its nearness to the primary wants of man.

In a general sense, as has elsewhere been stated, there are but two radically

12 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

distinct forms of consanguinity among the nations represented in the tables. One
of these is descriptive and the other classificatory. The first, which is that of the
Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, rejecting the classification of kindred, except
so far as it is in accordance with the numerical system, describes collateral consan-
guinei, for the most part, by an augmentation or combination of the primary
terms of relationship. These terms, which are those for husband and wife, father
and mother, brother and sister, and son and daughter, to which must be added, in
such languages as possess them, grandfather and grandmother, and grandson and
granddaughter, are thus restricted to the primary sense in which they are here
employed. All other terms are secondary. Each relationship is thus made inde-
pendent and distinct from every other. But the second, which is that of the
Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan families, rejecting descriptive phrases in
every instance, and reducing consanguine! to great classes by a series of apparently
arbitrary generalizations, applies the same terms to all the members of the same
class. It thus confounds relationships, which, under the descriptive system, are
distinct, and enlarges the signification both of the primary and secondary terms
\ beyond their seemingly appropriate sense.

Although a limited number of generalizations have been developed in the system
of the first-named families, which are followed by the introduction of additional
special terms to express in the concrete the relationships thus specialized, yet the
system is properly characterized as descriptive, and was such originally. It will
be seen in the sequel that the partial classification of kindred which it now con-
tains is in harmony with the principles of the descriptive form, and arises from it
legitimately to the extent to which it is carried ; and that it is founded upon con-
ceptions entirely dissimilar from those which govern in the classificatory form.
These generalizations, in some cases, are imperfect when logically considered ; but
they were designed to realize in the concrete the precise relationships which the
descriptive phrases suggest by implication. In the Erse, for example, there are no
terms for uncle or aunt, nephew or niece, or cousin ; but they were described as
father's brother, mother's brother, brotJier's son, and so on. These forms of the
Celtic are, therefore, purely descriptive. In most of the Aryan languages terms
for these relationships exist. My father's brothers and my mother's brothers, in
English, are generalized into one class, and the term uncle is employed to express
the relationship. The relationships to Ego of the two classes of persons are equal
in their degree of nearness, but not the same in kind; wherefore, the Roman
method is preferable, which employed patruus to express the former, and avunculus
to indicate the latter. The phrase " father's brother" describes a person, but it
likewise implies a bond of connection which patruus expresses in the concrete.
In like manner, my father's brother's son, my father's sister's son, my mother's
brother's son, and my mother's sister's son are placed upon an equality by a similar
generalization, and the relationship is expressed by the term cousin. They stand
to me in the same degree of nearness, but they are related to me in four different
ways. The use of these terms, however, does not invade the principles of the
descriptive system, but attempts to realize the implied relationships in a simpler
manner. On the other hand, in the system of the last-named families, while cor-

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 13

responding terms exist, their application to particular persons is founded upon very
different generalizations, and they are used in an apparently arbitrary manner. In
Seneca-Iroquois, for example, my father's brother is my father. Under the system
he stands to me in that relationship and no other. I address him by the same
term, Ha-nili', which I apply to my own father. My mother's brother, on the con-
trary, is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, to whom, of the two, this relationship is restricted.
Again, with myself a male, my brother's son is my son, Ha-ali'-wult, the same as my
own son ; while my sister's son is my nephew, Ha-ya' -wan-da ; but with myself a
female, these relationships are reversed. My brother's son is then my nephew; while
my sister's son is my son. Advancing to the second collateral line, my father's
brother's son and my mother's sister's son are my brothers, and they severally
stand to me in the same relationship as my own brother ; but my father's sister's
son and my mother's brother's son are my cousins. The same relationships are
recognized under the two forms, but the generalizations upon which they rest are
different.

In the system of relationship of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian families, the
collateral lines are maintained distinct and perpetually divergent from the lineal,
which results, theoretically as well as practically, in a dispersion of the blood.
The value of the relationships of collateral consanguine! is depreciated and finally
lost under the burdcnsomeness of the descriptive method. This divergence is one
of the characteristics of the descriptive system. On the contrary, in that of the
Turanian, American Indian, and Malayan families, the several collateral lines,
near and remote, are finally brought into, and merged in the lineal line, thus
theoretically, if not practically, preventing a dispersion of the blood. The
relationships of collaterals by this means is both appreciated and preserved. This
mergence is, in like manner, one of the characteristics of the classificatory system.

How these two forms of consanguinity, so diverse in their fundamental concep-
tions and so dissimilar in their structure, came into existence it may be wholly
impossible to explain. The fir&fc question to be considered relates to the nature
of these forms and their ethnid distribution, after the ascertainment of which their
probable origin may be made a subject of investigation. While the existence of
two radically distinct forms appears to separate the human family, so far as it is
represented in the tables, into two great divisions, the Indo-European and the Indo-
American, the same testimony seems to draw closer together the several families
of which these divisions are composed, without forbidding the supposition that a
common point of departure between the two may yet be discovered. If the
evidence deposited in these systems of relationship tends, in reality, to consolidate
the families named into two great divisions, it is a tendency in the direction of
unity of origin of no inconsiderable importance.

After the several forms of consanguinity and affinity, which now prevail in the
different families of mankind, have been presented and discussed, the important
question will present itself, how far these forms become changed with the pro-
gressive changes of society. The uses of systems of relationship to establish the
genetic connection of nations will depend, first, upon the structure of the system,
and, secondly, upon the stability of its radical forms. In form and feature they

14 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

must be found able, when once established, to perpetuate themselves through
indefinite periods of time. The question of their use must turn upon that of the
stability of their radical features. Development and modification, to a very
considerable extent, are revealed in the tables in which the comparison of forms
is made upon an extended scale; but it will be observed, on further examination,
that these changes are further developments of the fundamental conceptions which
lie, respectively, at the foundation of the two original systems.

V " There is one powerful motive which might, under certain circumstances, tends
to the overthrow of the classificatory form and the substitution of the descriptive,
but it would arise after the attainment of civilization. This is the inheritance of

/ estates. It may be premised that the bond of kindred, among uncivilized nations,
is a strong influence for the mutual protection of related persons. Among nomadic
stocks, especially, the respectability of the individual was measured, in no small
degree, by the number of his kinsmen. The wider the circle of kindred the
greater the assurance of safety, since they were the natural guardians of his rights
and the avengers of his wrongs. Whether designedly or otherwise, the Turanian
form of consanguinity organized the family upon the largest scale of numbers.
On the other hand, a gradual change from a nomadic to a civilized condition
would prove the severest test to which a system of consanguinity could be sub-
jected. The protection of the law, or of the State, would become substituted for
that of kinsmen; but with more effective power the rights of property might
influence the system of relationship. This last consideration, which would not
arise until after a people had emerged from barbarism, would be adequate beyond
any other known cause to effect a radical change in .a pre-existing system, if this
recognized relationships which would defeat natural justice in the inheritance of
property. In Tamilian society, where my brother's son and my cousin's son are
both my sons, a useful purpose may have been subserved by drawing closer, in
this manner, the kindred bond; but in a civilized sense it would be manifestly
unjust to place either of these collateral sons upon an equality with my own son
for the inheritance of my estate. Hence the growth of property and the settlement
of its distribution might be expected to lead to a more precise discrimination of
the several degrees of consanguinity if they were confounded by the previous
system.

Where the original system, anterior to civilization, was descriptive, the tendency
to modification, under the influence of refinement, would be in the direction of a
more rigorous separation of the several lines of descent, and of a more systematic
description of the persons or relationships in eacH> It would not necessarily lead
to the abandonment of old terms nor to the invention of new. This latter belongs,
usually, to the formative period of a language. When that is passed, compound
terms are resorted to if the descriptive phrases are felt to be inconvenient.
Wherever these compounds are found it will be known at once that they are
modern in the language. The old terms are not necessarily radical, but they have
become so worn down by long-continued use as to render the identification of their
component parts impossible. While the growth of nomenclatures of relationship
tends to show the direction in which existing systems have been modified, it seems

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 15

to be incapable of throwing any light upon the question whether a classificatory
form ever becomes changed into a descriptive, or the reverse. It is more difficult,
where the primitive system was classificatory, to ascertain the probable direction
of the change. The uncivilized nations have remained substantially stationary in
their condition through all the centuries of their existence, a circumstance
eminently favorable to the permanency of their domestic institutions. It is not
supposable, however, that they have resisted all modifications of their system of
consanguinity. The opulence of the nomenclature of relationships, which is
characteristic of the greater portion of the nations whose form is classificatory,
may tend to show that, if it changed jnaterially, it would be in the direction of
a greater complexity of classification. It is extremely difficult to arrive at any
general conclusions upon this question with reference to either form. But it may
be affirmed that if an original system changes materially, after it has been adopted
into use, it is certain to be done in harmony with the ideas and conceptions which
it embodies, of which the changes will be further and logical developments.

It should not be inferred that forms of consanguinity and affinity are either N
adopted, modified, or laid aside at pleasure. The tables entirely dispel such a
supposition. When a system has once come into practical use, with its nomen-
clature adopted, and its method of description or of classification settled, it would,
from the nature of the case, be very slow to change. Each person, as has else-
where been observed, is the centre around whom a group of consanguine! is
arranged. It is my father, my mother, my brother, my son, my uncle, my cousin,
with each and every human being ; and, therefore, each one is compelled to
understand, as well as to use, the prevailing system. It is an actual necessity to
all alike, since each relationship is personal to Ego. A change of any of these
relationships, or a subversion of any of the terms invented to express them, would
be extremely difficult if not impossible; and it would be scarcely less difficult to
enlarge or contract the established use of the terms themselves. The possibility of
this permanence is increased by the circumstance that these systems exist by usage
rather than legal enactment, and therefore the motive to change must be as
universal as the usage. Their use and preservation are intrusted to every person
who speaks the common language, and their channel of transmission is the blood.
Hence it is that, in addition to the natural stability of domestic institutions, there
are special reasons which contribute to their permanence, by means of which it is
rendered not improbable that they might survive changes of social condition
sufficiently radical to overthrow the primary ideas in which they originated.

These preliminary statements being made, it is now proposed to explain and
compare the systems of relationship of the several nations and families represented
in the tables. In doing this the order therein adopted will be followed. Invoking
the patient attention .of the reader, I will endeavor to perform this task with as
much brevity and clearness as I may be able to command.

16 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

CHAPTER III.
SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ARYAN FAMILY.

Roman System of Consanguinity and Affinity — Framed by the Civilians — Relationships of two kinds — By Consan-
guinity, or Blood — By Affinity, or Marriage — Lineal and Collateral Consanguinity — Diagram — Method of Descrip-
tion by Lines explained — Diagram of the Roman Civilians — Completeness and precision of the Roman System —
Immense number of Consanguine! within the near Degrees — Computations — Rapid intermingling of the Blood
of a People — Mode of Computing Degrees under the Civil Law — Under the Canon Law — Under the Common
Law — Origin of the Variance — Marriage Relationships fully discriminated — English System barren of Terms —
Opulence of the Roman Nomenclature of Relationships.

AN understanding of the framework and principles of our own system of rela-
tionship is a necessary preparatory step to the consideration of those of other
nations. It was originally strictly descriptive. After the settlement and civiliza-
tion of the several branches of the Aryan family, there was engrafted upon it,
among several of them, a method of description differing materially from the primi-
tive form, but without invading its radical features, or so far overspreading them
as to conceal the simple original. The new element, which came naturally from
the system itself, was introduced by the Roman civilians to perfect the framework
of a code of descents. Their improvements have been adopted into the system of
the several branches of the family, to which the Roman influence extended. To
obtain a knowledge historically of our present English form, we must resort to the
Roman as it was perfected by the civilians, and left by them in its codified form.
The additions were slight, but they changed materially the method of describing
kindred. They consisted chiefly in the establishment of the relationships of uncle
and aunt on the father's side, and on the mother's side, which were unknown in
the primitive system, and in the adoption of a descriptive method based upon these
terms, which, with proper augments, enabled them to systematize the relationships
in the first five collateral lines. We are also indebted to the Latin speech for the
modern portion of our nomenclature of relationships.

It is evident, however, that the elaborate and scientific arrangement of kindred
into formally described lines of descent employed by the civilians, and which
became the law of the State, was not adopted by the Roman people, except in its
least complicated parts. There are reasons for believing that the ancient method,
modified by the substitution of some of the new terms of relationship in the place
of descriptive phrases, was retained for those nearest in degree, and that more dis-
tant relatives were described without any attempt to preserve the artificial distinc-
tions among the several lines. This variance between the forms used by the

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 17

people and by the State, whenever it occurs in this family of nations, is entirely
immaterial, since the two do not conflict.

It should also be observed that it is impossible to recover the system of consan-
guinity and affinity of any people, in its details, from the lexicon, or even from the
literature of their language, if it has ceased to be a living form. The Hebrew and
Sanskrit are examples. If it had been reduced to a statute and thus had become
a law of the State, it would be found in a codified form. In all other cases it
can only be obtained, in its completeness, by a direct resort to the people.

In the Pandects1 and in the Institutes2 the system of relationship of the Roman
civil law has been preserved with minuteness and precision, with full explanations
of its provisions and method of arrangement. A careful examination of its details
will furnish us the readiest knowledge of our own, as well as unfold the principles
which must govern the formation of any strictly philosophical system.

Relationships are of two kinds : First, by consanguinity, or blood : second, by
affinity, or marriage. Consanguinity, which is the relation of persons descended
from the same ancestor, is also of two kinds, lineal and collateral. Lineal con-
sanguinity is the connection which subsists among persons of whom one is
descended from the other. Collateral consanguinity is the connection which
exists among persons who are descended from a common ancestor, but not from
each other. Marriage relationships exist by custom.

In every supposable plan of consanguinity, where marriage between single pairs
exists, there must be a lineal and several collateral lines. Each person, also, in
constructing his own table becomes the central point, or Ego, from whom outward is
reckoned the degree of relationship of each kinsman, and to whom the relationship
returns. His position is necessarily in the lineal line. In a chart of relationships
this line is vertical. Upon it may be inscribed, above and below any given person,
his several ancestors and descendants in a direct series from father to son, and
these persons together will constitute his right lineal male line, which is also called
the trunk, or common stock of descent. Out of this trunk line emerge the several
collateral lines, male and female, which are numbered outwardly. It will be suffi-
cient for a perfect knowledge of the system to limit the explanation to the main
lineal line, and to a single male and female branch of each of the collateral lines,
including those on the father's side and on the mother's side, and proceeding in
each from the parent to one only of his or her children, although it will include
but a small portion of the kindred of Ego either in the ascending or descending
series. An attempt to follow all the divisions and branches of the several collateral
lines, which increase in number in the ascending series in a geometrical ratio,
would embarrass the reader without rendering the system itself more intelligible.
The first collateral line, male, consists of my brother and his descendants, and the
first, female, of my sister and her descendants. The second collateral line, male,
on the father's side, .consists of my father's brother and his descendants, and the
second, female, of my father's sister and her descendants; the second collateral

1 Panel., Lib. XXXYIII. tit. x. "Dc gradibus et adfinibus et nominibus eorum."
8 Inst. Just., Lib. III. tit. vi. " De gradibus cognation urn."

3 May, ISC 8.

18 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

line, male, on the mother's side, is composed of my mother's brother and his
descendants, and the second, female, of my mother's sister and her descendants.
The third collateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my grandfather's
brother and his descendants, and third, female, of my grandfather's sister and her
descendants ; on the mother's side, the same line, male, is composed of my grand-
mother's brother and his descendants, and the same, female, of my grandmother's
sister and her descendants. It will be noticed, in the last case, that we have turned
out of the lineal line on the father's side into that on the mother's side. The
fourth collateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my great-grandfather's
brother and his descendants; and the fourth, female, of my great-grandfather's
sister and her descendants ; the same line, male, on the mother's side, is composed
of my great-grandmother's brother and his descendants ; and the same, female, of
my great-grandmother's sister and her descendants. In like manner, the fifth col-
lateral line, male, on the father's side, consists of my great-great-grandfather's
brother and his descendants ; and the fifth, female, of my great-great-grandfather's
sister and her descendants ; the same line, male, on the mother's side is composed
of my grcat-great-grandmother's brother - and his descendants ; and the same,
female, of my great-great-grandmothcr's sister and her descendants. These five
lines embrace the great body of our kindred who are within the range of practical
or even necessary recognition.

Where there are several brothers and sisters of each ancestor, they constitute so
many branches of each line respectively. If I have several brothers and sisters,
they and their descendants constitute as many lines, each independent of the other,
as I have brothers and sisters ; but all together they form my first collateral line
in two branches, a male and a female. In like manner the several brothers and
sisters of my father and of my mother, with their respective descendants, make up
as many lines, each independent of the other, as there are brothers and sisters ; but
all unite in forming my second collateral line in two divisions, that on the father's
side and that on the mother's side, and in four principal branches, two male and
two female. If the third collateral line were run out fully in the ascending series,
it would give four general divisions of ancestors and eight principal branches ; and
the number of each would increase in the same ratio in each successive collateral
line. With such a maze of branches, lines, and divisions, embracing such a multi-
tude of consanguinei, it will be seen at once that a method of arrangement and
description which should maintain each distinct, and render the whole intelligible,
would be no ordinary achievement. This work was perfectly accomplished by the
Roman civilians, and in a manner so entirely simple as to elicit admiration. It
will be seen, however, in the sequel, that the development of the nomenclature to
the requisite extent must have been so extremely difficult that it would probably
never have occurred except under the stimulus of an urgent necessity. The
absence, from the primitive system, of the relationships of uncle and aunt, in the
concrete form, was the first want to be supplied to render the new method attain-
able. Nor was this alone sufficient ; it was also necessary to discriminate those on
the father's side from those on the mother's side, and to elaborate independent
terms for each, an achievement made in a limited number only of the languages of

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 19

mankind. These indispensable terms finally appeared in patruus and amita for
uncle and aunt on the father's side, and in ammculus and matertera for uncle and
aunt on' the mother's side, which, with suitable augments, enabled the civilians to
indicate specifically the first person in the second, third, fourth, and fifth collateral
lines on the father'* side and on the mother's side. After these were secured, the
improved Roman method of describing collateral consanguinei became possible, as
well as established. The development of these relationships, in the concrete, was
the principal, as well as the greatest advance in the system of relationship, made by
any of the members of the Aryan family.

All languages are able to describe kindred by a combination of the primary
terms ; and this method is still used, to the exclusion of the secondary terms,
when it becomes necessary to be specific, unless the Roman method is employed.
In the description we commence at Ego, and ascend first to the common ancestor,
and then down the collateral line to the person whose relationship is sought, as in
the English ; or, reversing the initial point, commence with the latter, and ascend
to the common ancestor, and then descend to the former as in the Erse. To
describe a cousin, in the male branch of the second collateral line, we use in Eng-
lish the phrase father's brother's son ; or, in Erse, son of the brother of my father ;
for a second cousin, in the same branch of the third collateral line, we say, in Eng-
lish, fatJier's father's brother's son's son ; in Erse, son of the son of the brother of the
father, of my father. Where the relationship of grandfather is discriminated by a
specific or a compound term, we may say grandfather's brotJier's grandson ; but as
this would fail to show whether the person was on the father's side or on the
mother's side, a further explanation must be added. The inconvenience of this
method, which was the primitive form of the Aryan family, is sufficiently obvious.
It was partially overcome, in process of time, by the generalization of the rela-
tionships of uncle and aunt, nephew and niece, and cousin, and the invention of
special terms for their expression in the concrete. A little reflection upon the
awkwardness and cumbcrsomeness of a purely descriptive system of relationship
will illustrate the necessity, first, for common terms for the nearest collateral
degrees, and, secondly, of a scientific method for the description of consanguinei.
It will also enable us to appreciate the serious difficulties overcome, as well as the
great advance made, by the Romans in the formal system which they established,
or, rather, engrafted upon the original form.

If, then, we construct a diagram of the right lineal line, male, and the first five
collateral lines, male and female, on the father's side, and limit each collateral
line at its commencement to a single brother and sister of Ego, and to a single
brother and sister of each of the lineal ancestors of Ego, and these several lines
are projected from parent to child, the collateral lines will be parallel with each
other and divergent from the lineal in the actual manner of the outflow of the
generations. The diagram (Plate I.) will afford a more distinct impression of the
relation of the lineal and several collateral lines to each other, and of the nomen-
clature of the Roman system, than could be given by a description. It exhibits
the lines named, arranged with reference to a central person, or Ego, and indicates
the relationship to him of each of the persons in these several lines. The great

30 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

superiority of its nomenclature over those of the remaining Aryan nations will be
recognized at once, as well as the thoroughly scientific method of description by
which it is distinguished above all other systems which have ever been framed.

From Ego to tritavus, in the lineal line, are six generations of ascendants, and
from the same to trinepos are the same number of descendants, in the description
of which but four radical terms are used. If it were desirable to ascend above the
sixth ancestor, tritavus would become a new starting-point of description; thus,
tritavi pater, the father of tritavus, and so upward to tritavi tritavus, who is the
twelfth ancestor of Ego in the lineal right line, male. In our rude nomenclature
the phrase grandfather's grandfather must be repeated six times to express the
same relationship, or rather to describe the same person. In like manner trinepotis
trinepos carries us to the twelfth descendant of Ego in the right lineal line, male.
He is the great-grandson of the great-grandson of trinepos, the great-grandson of
the great-grandson of Ego.

The first collateral line, male, which commences with brother, frater, is composed
of him and his lineal descendants, proceeding in the right line from father to son;
thus, fratris filius, literally son of brother, fratris nepos, grandson of brother, and
on to fratris trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of the brother of
Ego. If it were necessary to extend the description to the twelfth generation,
fratris trinepos would become a second starting-point, from which we should have
fratris trinepotis trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of fratris trinepos,
the great-grandson of the great-grandson of the brother of Ego. By this simple
method frater is made the root of descent in this line, and every person within it
is referred to him by the force of this term in the description ; and we know at
once that each person described belongs to the first collateral line, male. It is,
therefore, in itself complete as well as specific. In like manner, and with like
results, the first collateral line female commences with sister, soror, giving for the
series sororis filia, sister's daughter ; sororis neptis, sister's granddaughter ; and on
to sororis trineptis, her sixth, and to sororis trineptis trineptis, her twelfth descendant.
While these two branches of the first collateral line originate, in strictness, in the
father, pater, who is the common bond of connection between them, yet by making
the brother and sister the root of descent of their respective branches in the
description, not only this line, but, also, its two branches, are maintained distinct;
and the relationship of each person to Ego is specialized by force of the description.
This is one of the chief excellencies of the system as a purely scientific method of
distinguishing and describing kindred.

The second collateral line, male, on the father's side, commences with father's
brother, patruus, and is composed of him and his descendants, limited in the
diagram to the right line. Each person, by the terms used to describe him, is
referred with entire precision to his proper position in the line, and his relationship
is indicated ; thus, patrui filius, son of paternal uncle, patrui nepos, grandson of
paternal uncle, and on to patrui trinepos, the sixth descendant of patruus. If it
became necessary to extend this line to the twelfth generation we should have,
after passing through the intermediate degrees, patrui trinepotis trinepos, the great-
grandson of the great-grandson of patrui trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 21

grandson of patruus. It will be observed that the term for cousin is rejected in
the diagram, as it is, also, in the formal method of the Pandects. He is described
as patrui filius, but he was also called a brother patruel, frater patruelis, and
among the people at large by the common term for cousin, consobrinus. The second
collateral line, female, on the father's side commences with father's sister, amita,
paternal aunt ; and her descendants are described according to the same general
plan ; thus, amitce filia, paternal aunt's daughter, amitce neptis, paternal aunt's
granddaughter, and so on to amitce trineptis, and to amitce trineptis trineptis. In
this branch of the line the term for cousin, amitinus, amitina, is also set aside for
the formal phrase amitce filia, although the former indicates specifically, by its
etymology, this particular one of the four cousins.1" Among the people the term
consobrinus, consobrina was applied to this cousin, as it was indiscriminately to each
of the four.2

In accordance with the same general plan the third collateral line, male, on the
father's side commences with grandfather's brother, who is styled patruus magnus,
or great-uncle. At this point in the nomenclature special terms fail and compounds
are resorted to, although the relationship itself is in the concrete, the same as
grandfather. It is evident that this relationship was not discriminated until a
comparatively modern period. No existing language, so far as this inquiry has
been extended, possesses an original or radical term for great-uncle, although
without the Roman method the third collateral line cannot be described except by
the Celtic. In the Turanian, Malayan, and American Indian forms, where the
classification of consanguinei is altogether different, he is a grandfather. If he
were called simply grandfather's brother, the phrase would describe a person, leaving
the relationship as a matter of implication ; but if great-uncle, it expresses a
relationship in the concrete, and becomes equivalent to a specific term. The
specialization of this relationship Avas clearly the work of the civilians to perfect a
general plan of consanguinity. With the first person in this branch of the line
thus made definite as a great-uncle, all of his descendants are referred to him, in
their description, as the root of descent ; and the line, the side, whether male or
female, and the degree of the relationship of each person, are at once severally and
jointly expressed. This line may be extended, in like manner, to the twelfth
descendant, which would give for the series patrui magni filius, son of the paternal
great-uncle ; patrui magni nepos, grandson of paternal great-uncle ; and thus on
to patrui magni trinepotis trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of
putrid magni trinepos, the great-grandson of the great-grandson of paternal great-
uncle. The third collateral line, female, on the same side commences with grand-
father's sister, who is styled amita magna, or great-aunt ; and her descendants are
described in like manner, and with the same effect.

1 Amitse tuse filii consobrinum te appellant, tu illos amitinos. Inst. Just., Lib. III. tit. vi. § ii.

' Item fratres patrueles, sorores patrueles, id est qui quse-ve ex duobus fratribus progenerantnr ;
item consobrini consobrinae, id est qui quae-ve ex duobus sororibus nascflntur (quasi consorini) ;
item amitini amitinae, id est qui quse-ve ex fratre et sorore propagantur ; sed fere vulgus istos omncs
comrauni appellatione consobrinos vocat. Pand., Lib. XXXVILI. tit. x.

22 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

The fourth and fifth collateral lines, male, on the father's side, commence,
respectively, with great-grandfather's brother, who is styled patruus major, greater
paternal uncle, and with great-great-grandfather's brother, who is called patruus
maximus, greatest paternal uncle. In extending the series we have in the fourth
line, patrui majoris films, patrui majoris nepos, and on to patrui majoris trinepos ;
and in the fifth, patrui maximi filius, patrui maximi nepos, and thus onward to
patrui maximi trinepos. On the same side the corresponding female collateral
lines commence, respectively, with amita major, greater paternal aunt, and amita
maxima, greatest paternal aunt ; and the description of persons in each follows in
the same order.

Both the diagram and the description of consanguinci have thus far been limited
to the lineal line male, and to the several collateral lines on the father's side.
Another diagram with an entire change of terms, except in the first collateral line,
is required to exhibit the right lineal line, female, and the four collateral lines,
male and female, beyond the first. The necessity for independent terms for uncle
and aunt on the mother's side to complete the Roman method is now apparent,
the relatives on the mother's side being equally numerous, and entirely distinct.
These terms were found in avunculus, maternal uncle, and matertera, maternal
aunt. The first collateral line, as before stated, remains the same, as it commences
with brother and sister. In the second collateral line, male, on the mother's side
we have for the series avunculus, avunculi filius, avunculi nepos, and on to avunculi
trinepotis trinepos, if it were desirable to extend the description to the twelfth
descendant of the maternal uncle. In the female branch of the same line we have
for the series matertera, matertera} /ilia, matertera) neptis, and on to matertera}
trineptis. In the third collateral line, male, same side, we have for the series
avunculus magnus, avunculi magni filius, avunculi magni nepos, and on as before ;
and the female branch of the same line, commencing with matertera magna,
maternal great-aunt, is extended in the same manner. The fourth and fifth
collateral lines, male, on the same side commence, respectively, with avunculus
major, and avunculus maximus ; and the corresponding female branches with
matertera major, and matertera maxima, and their descendants, respectively, are
described in the same manner.

Since the first five collateral lines embraced as wide a circle of kindred as it was
necessary to include for the practical purposes of a code of descents, the ordinary
diagram used by the Roman civilians did not extend beyond this number. In the
form of description adopted by Coke and the early English lawyers, and which was
sanctioned by the same use of the terms in the Pandects, we find propatruus mag-
nus instead of patruus major, and abpatruus magnus instead of patruus maximus.
By adopting this mode of augmentation, which is also applied to avus in the lineal
line, we have for the commencement of the sixth and seventh collateral lines, male,
on the father's side, atpatruus magnus and tripatruus magnus, with corresponding
changes of gender for the female branches. This would exhaust the power of the
nomenclature of the Roman system. For collateral lines beyond the seventh it
was necessary to resort again to the descriptive form Avhich followed the chain of
consanguinity from degree to degree.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 23

The diagram (Plate I.) is not in the form of that used by the civilians. It is
framed in accordance with the form adopted by Blackstone1 for the purpose of
showing the several persons in the lineal and collateral lines, who stand at equal
distances in degree from their respective common ancestors, in the same horizontal
plane. Since the movement downward is with equal step in each of the lines, the
common law method has an advantage over that of the civil law in illustrating to
the eye the relative position of consanguinei. In the Institutes of Justinian2 the
original diagram of the civilians is given and verified in the text (Plate II.). It
arranges the several collateral lines at right angles with the lineal, which makes
them transverse instead of collateral, and, at the same time, furnishes the reasons
why they are described both in the Pandects and in the Institutes, as the transverse
rather than the collateral lines.3 In this diagram three lines meet in each ancestor,
one of which is lineal, and the other two, consisting of a male and female branch,
are transverse. With a slight examination it becomes perfectly intelligible. In
some respects it is the most simple form in which the system can be represented.
But since it does not show the relative position of consanguinei in the lineal and
collateral lines with reference to their distance with Ego from the common ancestor,
the first form appears to be preferable. This diagram is a venerable relic of the
all-embracing Roman jurisprudence. It is interesting, even impressive, to us, as
the chart with which that greatly distinguished class of men, the Roman jurists,
" illustrated to the eye," as well as explained to the understanding, the beaiitiful
and perfect system of consanguinity we have been considering.

It is obvious, as before remarked, that these diagrams include but a small por-
tion of the immediate consanguinei of each individual, as the right line only is
given proceeding from the parent to one only of his or her children, while there
might be several brothers and sisters of Ego, and of each of his several ancestors,
each of whom would send off as many additional lines as he or she left children,
each leaving descendants. This might be true also of every person in each of the
collateral lines. Beside this, the number of common ancestors increases at each
degree, ascending, in geometrical progression, which multiplies indefinitely the
number of ascending lines. It would be entirely impossible to construct a diagram
of the lineal and first and second collateral lines alone, which would show all the
possible consanguinei of Ego within six degrees of nearness. These considerations
will serve to illustrate the complexity of the problem which the civilians solved by
furnishing a logical and comprehensive system of relationship. It is the singular
merit of the Roman form that, without being obscure or complicated, it contains
all the elements of arrangement and description which are necessary to resolve any
given case, and all that is material to a right understanding of descents.

1 Blackstonc's Commentaries ; Tables of Consanguinity, II. 254. Watkins adopts the same
method ; Laws of Descent, Table of Con., p. 123. And Domat also substantially ; Civil Law,
Strahan's Trans. Table on Con. II. 210.

8 Lib. III. tit. vii.

8 The usual phrase is "Ex transvcrso sive a latere."

24 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

If we should follow the chain of relationship beyond the diagrams, and compute
the number of the kindred of Ego, it would produce remarkable results. In strict-
ness two lines commence at Ego, one ascending to his father and one to his mother ;
from these last the number is increased to four, one of which ascends to the father
and one to the mother of his father, another to the father and another to the
mother of his mother ; and again from these four common ancestors the lines are
increased to eight ; and so upwards in geometrical progression. As a matter of
computation it will be seen that at the fifth degree each person has thirty-two
ancestors^ at the tenth a thousand and twenty-four, and at the twentieth upwards
of a million.1 Carried to the thirty-first degree, or generation, it would give to
each person a greater number of ancestors than the entire population of the earth.
Such a .marvellous result, although correct as a matter of computation, is prevented
by the intermarriage of these common ancestors, by which a multitude of them are
reduced to- one. In the collateral lines the relatives are quadrupled at each gene-
ration. " If we only suppose each couple of our ancestors to have left, one with
another, two children ; and each of those on an average to have left two more (and
Avithout such a supposition the human species must be daily diminishing"), we shall
find that all of us have now subsisting near two hundred and seventy millions of
kindred at the fifteenth degree, at the same distance from the several common
ancestors as ourselves are ; besides those that are one or two descents nearer to or
farther from the common stock, who may amount to as many more."2 But, as in
the former case, the intermarriage of these collateral relatives would consolidate
many thousands of these relationships into one, while others would, from the same
cause, be related to Ego in many thousand different ways. The rapidity with
which the blood of a people is interfused, or, in other Avords, tends to intermingle
throughout the entire mass of the population, Avith the progress of the generations,

1 In Black. Cora.

Lineal
Degrees.

1 ....

II. 204, note, if

Number of
Ancestors.

2

) the following

Lineal
Degrees.

8 . . .

Number of
Ancestors.

256

Lineal
Degrees.

15 .

Number of

Ancestors.

. . 32768

2 ....

4

9 . . .

515

16 .

. . 65536

3 ....

8

10 . . .

1024

17 .

. . 131072

4 ....

16

11 . . .

2048

18 .

. . 262144

5 ...

32

12

4096

19

. . 524288

6 ....

64

13 . . .

8192

20 .

. 1048576

7 ....

. 128

14 .

16384

3 Black. Com. II.

Collateral
Degrees.

1 ....

207, note, vide

Number of
Kindred.
1

as follows: —

Collateral
Degrees.

8 ...

Number of
Kindred.

16384

Collateral
Degrees.

15

Number of
Kindred.

. 268435456

2 ....

4

9 . .

65536

16

. 1073741824

3 ....

16

10

262146

17

. 4294967296

4 ....

64

11

1048576

18

17179869184

5 ....

. 256

12

4194304

19

68719476736

6 ....

. 1026

13

16777216

20

274877906944

7

. 4096

14 .

67108864

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 25

is forcibly illustrated by these computations.1 It is both a singular and an extra-
ordinary fact, that the blood and physical organization of so many millions of
ancestors should be represented in the person of every human being. The specific
identity of the individual of the present with the ancestor of the past generation
illustrates the marvellous nature of a structural organization, which is capable
of transmission through so many ancestors, and of reproduction as a perfect whole
in one individual after the lapse of indefinite periods of time.

In the mode of computing the degrees of consanguinity the Aryan nations differ
among themselves. It is apparent that the relationships which collaterals sustain
to each other are in virtue of their descent from common ancestors. It is also
obvious that each step in ascending from ancestor to ancestor in the lineal line,
and in descending from parent to child, in either of the collateral lines, is a degree.
Hence in tracing the connection between Ego and any given person in a collateral
line, we must first ascend from Ego to the common ancestor, and then descend to
the person Avhose relationship is sought, counting each intervening person as one
degree, or unit of separation ; and the aggregate of these units will express, numeri-
cally, the nearness, and, upon this basis, the actual value of the relationship. The
difference made was upon the starting-point, whether it should commence with Ego,
or with the common ancestor. The Roman civilians reckoned from the former ;
thus, if the degree of the relationship of the first cousin were sought, it would be
estimated as follows : From Ego to father, pater, is one ; from father to grandfather,
avus, who is the common ancestor, is two; from grandfather down to paternal
uncle, pa truus, is three; and from paternal uncle to cousin, patrui filius, is four;
therefore he stands to Ego in the fourth degree of consanguinity. Under this
method the first person is excluded and the last is included. This Avas also the
manner of computing degrees among the Hebrews.2 But the canon law, and after
it the common law, adopted the other method. It commenced with the common
ancestor, and counted the degrees in the same manner, down to the person most
remote from the latter, whether Ego or the person whose relationship was to be
determined ; thus, a first cousin stands in the second degree, since both the cousin
and Ego are removed two degrees from the common ancestor ; the son of this cousin
is in the third degree, as he is three degrees from the common ancestor, which

1 These figures bear directly upon one of the great problems in ethnology; namely, the multi-
plicity of the typical faces and forms of mankind. If a fragment of a people became insulated, as
the Erse in Ireland, or repelled immigration to their territories by peculiar manners and customs, as
the Hebrews, it matters not whether the original elements of population were simple or mixed, if
the blood was left free to intermingle, the physical peculiarities of the people would rapidly assimi-
late, so that in a few centuries there would be developed a national face and form, which would be
common, distinctly marked, and typical. The only conditions necessary to produce this result, in
any number of cases, are an absolute respite from foreign admixture, with freedom of intermarriage
among all classes. Under these conditions, which have been occasionally attained, typical faces and
forms, such as the Hebrew, the Irish, and the German, oould be multiplied indefinitely ; and the
differences among them might become very great, in the course of time, through congenital pecu-
liarities, modes of subsistence, and climatic influences ; not to say, processes of degradation of one
branch or family, and of elevation in another.

a Selden's Uxor Hebraica, I. c. 4.

4 May, 1868.

26 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

corresponds with the fifth of the civil law. These two methods will be more fully
understood by consulting the diagram, Plate I., on which the degrees are numbered
according to the civil law, and the diagram of English descents, Chapter IV. Plate
III., on which they are given according to the common law. Our English ances-
tors, at an early day, adopted the canon law mode of computation, in which they
clearly made a mistake, if the matter were of any particular consequence. It is
sufficiently obvious that the civil law method of computation is the only one which
is consistent and logical.

llelationship, or cognation, was further distinguished by the civilians into three
kinds, superior, inferior, and transverse ; of which the first relates to ascendants, the
second to descendants, and the third to collaterals. It results, also, from the civil law
method of estimating degrees, that several persons in the lineal and collateral lines
stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego, which rendered necessary some quali-
fication of the relative value of the numerical degrees. The consanguine! of Ego
were classified into six grades, according to their degree of nearness, all those who
were in the same degree being classified in the same grade, whether ascendants,
descendants, or collaterals ; but they were distinguished from each other by these
three qualifications.1

1 DE GRADIBUS COGNATIONUM. — Hoc loco necessarium est exponere, quemadmodum gradus cog-
nationis numerentur. Quare inprimis admonendi sumus, cognationem aliam supra numerari, aliam
infra, aliam ex transverse, quae etiam a latere dicitur. Superior cognatio est parentum : inferior
liberorum : ex transverso fratrum sororumve, et eorum, qui quaeve ex his generantur ; et conveni-
enter patrui, amitae, avunculi, materterce. Et superior quidem et inferior cognatio a prinio gradu
incipit; et ea, quse ex transverso numeratur, a secundo.

§ I. Primo gradu est supra pater, mater : infra dins, filia. Secundo gradu supra avus, avia: infra
nepos, neptis : ex transverso frater, soror. Tertio gradu supra proavus, proavia : infra pronepos, pro-
neptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque filius, filia : et convenienter patruus, amita, avunculus, mater-
tera. Patruus est patris frater, qui Graecis narpaStx?>os appellatur. Avunculus est frater matris, qui
Graece Mijrpaiextoj dicitur ; et uterque promiscue 0£coj appellatur. Amita est patris soror, quas Greece
nafpaSeXifif appellatur : matertera vero matris soror, quro Grace MytpatiWi] dicitur : et utraque pro-
miscue ©E«a appellatur.

§ II. Quarto gradu supra abavus, abavia : infra abnepos, abncptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque
nepos neptisve : et convenienter patruus magnus, amita magna, id est, avi frater et soror : item
avunculus magnus et matertera magna, id est, aviae frater et soror : consobrinus, consobrina, id est,
qui quaeve ex sororibus aut fratribus procreantur. Sed quidam recte consobrinos eos proprie dici
putant, qui ex duabus sororibus progenerantur, quasi consororinos : eos ver6, qui ex duobus fratribus
progenerantur, proprie fratres patrueles vocari : si autem ex duobus fratribus dice nascuntur, sorores
patrueles appellari. At eos, qui ex fratre et sorore progenerantur, amitinos proprife dici putant.
Amitae tuae filii consobrinum te appellant, tu illos amitinos.

§ III. Quinto gradu supra atavus, atavia : infra atuepos, atneptis : ex transverso fratris sororisque
pronepos, proneptis : et convenienter propatruus, proamita, id est, proavi frater et soror : et proavun-
cnlus et promatertera, id est, proavise frater et soror: item fratris patruelis, vel sororis patruelis,
consobrini et consobrinae, amitini et amitinae filius, filia : proprior sobrino, proprior sobrina ; hi sunt
patrui magni, amitae magnae, avunculi magni, materterae magnas filius, filia.

§ IV. Sexto gradu supra tritavus, tritavia : infra trinepos trineptis : ex transverso fratris sororis-
que abnepos abneptis : et convenienter abpatruus abamita, id est, abavi frater et soror : abavunculus,
abmatertera, id est, abaviae frater et soror : item propatrui, proamitae, proavunculi, promaterterae
filius, filia : item proprius sobrino sobrinave filius, filia : item consobrini consobrinae nepos, neptis :
item sobrini, sobrinae ; id est, qui quaeve ex fratribus vel sororibus patruelibus, vel consobrinis, vel
amitinis progenerantur. — Institutes of Justinian, Lib. III. tit. vi.

OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 27

It will not be necessary to pursue further the minute details of the Boman
system of consanguinity. The principal and most important of its features have
been presented, and in a manner sufficiently special to have rendered it perfectly
intelligible. For simplicity of method, felicity of description, distinctness of
arrangement into lines, truthfulness to nature, and beauty of nomenclature, it is
incomparable. It stands pre-eminently at the head of all the systems of relation-
ship ever perfected by man, and furnishes one of the many illustrations that what-
ever the Roman mind had occasion to touch, it placed • once for all upon a solid
foundation.

From its internal structure it is evident that this system, in its finished form, was
the work of the civilians. We have reasons, also, for believing that it was not
used by the people except within narrow limits. Its rigorous precision and
formality, not to say complication of arrangement, tends to this conclusion; and
the existence and use of common terms for near kindred, after its establishment, is
still more decisive. It is not even probable that the common people employed
either of the four special terms for uncle and aunt, or that either term for uncle or
for aunt was used promiscuously. The disappearance of all of these terms from
the modern Italian language, and the reappearance in it of the Greek common
term for uncle and aunt, Oeiog, Beta, in the Italian Zio, Zia, renders it conjecturable
at least, that the Greek term, in a Latinized form, was used among the ancient
Romans*; or, it may have been, that they retained the original descriptive phrases.
Consobrinus, we know, was in use among the people as a common term for cousin,1
and nepos for a nephew2 as well as a grandson. In addition to the special terms
heretofore named were sobrinus, edbrina' a contraction of consobrinus for cousin,
which were sometimes applied to a cousin's children ; and proprior sobrinus, sdbrina,
to indicate a great uncle's son and daughter. If the people used the common
terms, while the civilians and scholars resorted to the formal legal method, it
would not create two systems, since one form is not inconsistent with the other, and
the latter was developed from the former. From the foregoing considerations it
may be inferred that the Roman form was not perfected merely to describe the
several degrees of consanguinity, but for the more important object of making
definite the channel, as well as the order of succession to estates. With the need
of a code of descents, to regulate the transmission of property by inheritance, would
arise the further necessity of specializing, with entire precision, the several lines,
and the several degrees of each. A descriptive method, based upon particular
generalizations, became indispensable to avoid the more difficult, if not impossible,
alternative of inventing a multitude of correlative terms to express the recognized
relationships. After the kindred of ego had been arranged in their appropriate
positions, by the method adopted by the civilians, a foundation was laid for a code
of descents for the transmission of property by inheritance.

It remains to notice briefly the affincal relationships. The Latin nomenclature

1 Pandects, Lib. XXXVIII. tit. x. 9 Eutropins, Lib. VII. cap. i.

8 Nam mihi sobrina Ampsigura tua mater fuit, pater tuus, is erat frater patruelis meus. Plautus.
Com. Pceuulus, Act V. Scene II. 109.

28 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

of the marriage relationships, unlike our own, which is both rude and barren, was
copious and expressive. For the principal affinities special terms were invented,
after this language became distinct, and it contributed materially to the perfection
of the system. It contains even more radical terms for the marriage relationships
than for that of blood. Our English system betrays its poverty by the use of
such unseemly phrases as father-in-law, son-in-law, brother-in-law, step-father, and
step-son, to express some twenty very common and very near relationships, nearly
all of which are provided with special terms in the Latin nomenclature. On the other
hand, the latter fails to extend to the wives of uncles and nephews, and to the hus-
bands of aunts and nieces the corresponding designations, which the principal
European nations have done. The absence of terms for these relatives is the only
blemish upon the Latin system. The wife of the paternal uncle, for example, was
described as patrui uxor, and the husband of the paternal aunt as amitce vir. A
reason against the use of the principal terms existed in their fixed signification,
which would render their use in the English manner a misnomer.

In the Latin nomenclature, as given in the table, there are thirteen radical
terms for blood kindred and fourteen for marriage relatives. These, by augmen-
tation to express the different grades of what is radically the same relationship,
and by inflection for gender, yield twenty-five additional terms, making together
fifty-two special terms for the recognized relationships. In this respect it is the
most opulent of all the nomenclatures of relationship of the Aryan nations, except
the Grecian.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 29

CHAPTEK IV.

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE ARYAN F A M I L Y— CONTINUED.

Forms of Consanguinity of the remaining Aryan Nations — Reasons for their ascertainment — Original System deter-
mined by a comparison of their Radical Characteristics — I. Hellenic Nations : Ancient Greek — System less accessi-
ble than the Roman — Descriptive in Form — Modern Greek — System founded upon the Roman — II. Romaic Nations
— Italian System — Illustrations of its Method — French — Illustrations of same — Spanish and Portuguese, not ex-
ceptional— III. Teutonic nations — English System — Illustrations of its Method — Prussian and Swiss — Illustrations
of their Forms — Holland Dutch — Method Imprecise — Belgian — The same — Westphalian — Illustrations of its
Form — Danish and Norwegian — Free from Roman Influence — Illustrations of its Form — Swedish — Agrees with
the Danish — Icelandic — Its form purely Descriptive — Illustrations — IV. Sanskrit — Illustrations of its Method —
V. Sclavonic Nations— Polish System — Peculiar Method of designating Kindred — Presence of a Non-Aryan
Element — Illustrations of its Form — Bohemian — Bulgarian — Illustrations of its Method — Russian — Illustrations
of its Method — Special Features in the Slavonic System — Their Ethnological Uses — Lithuanian — Presump-
tively Original Slavonic Form — Schedule Imperfect — VI. Celtic Nations — Erse System — Purely Descriptive —
Typical Form of Aryan Family — Illustrations of its Method — Gaelic and Manx — The same — Welsh — Its Nomen-
clature developed beyond Erse and Gaelic — VII. Persian Nation — System Descriptive — Illustrations of
its Method — VIII. Armenian Nation — System Descriptive — Identical with the Erse in its minute Details —
Illustrations of its Method — Results of Comparison of Forms — Original System of the Aryan Family Descrip-
tive— Limited amount of Classification of Kindred not Inconsistent with this Conclusion — Secondary Terms
represent the amount of Modification — System Affirmative in its Character — A Domestic Institution — Stability
of its Radical Forms.

THE several forms of consanguinity which prevail among the remaining Aryan
nations will be presented and compared with the Roman, and also with each other,
for the purpose of ascertaining whether they are identical. After this the common
system, thus made definite, can be compared with those of other families of man-
kind. It will be sufficient for the realization of these objects to exhibit, with the
utmost brevity, the characteristic features of the system of each nation, and to
indicate the points of difference between them and the Roman. This method will
supersede the necessity, except in a few cases, of entering upon details.

I. Hellenic nations. 1. Ancient Greek. 2. Modern Greek.

1. Ancient Greek. — The same facilities for ascertaining the classical Greek
method of arranging and designating kindred do not exist, which were found in
the Institutes and Pandects, for the Roman. An approximate knowledge of the
Grecian form can be drawn from the nomenclature, and from the current use of
its terms in the literature of the language. For the most part these terms are
compounds, and still indicate, etymologically, particular persons, as well as express
particular relationships. They were evidently developed subsequently to the
separation of the Hellenic nations from their congeners, since they are not found in
the cognate languages. The multiplication of these terms also tends to show that
the Greeks of the classical period had no formal scientific method of designating
tonsanguinei like the Roman, but attempted, as a substitute, the discrimination

30 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

of the nearest relationships by special terms. This, carried far enough, woufd
realize the Roman plan, but it would render the nomenclature cumbersome.

Several of the Greek terms are inserted in the table as conjectural ; but a suffi-
cient number are certain to show that consanguinei were arranged, by virtue of
them, in accordance with the natural order of descents; and that the collateral
lines were maintained distinct and divergent from the lineal line. This is a mate-
rial characteristic.

The method for indicating the relationships in the first collateral line was
irregular, /last's, the ancient term for brother, gave place to adelphos ; in like
manner anepsios, which was originally the term for nephew, and probably like
nepos signified a grandson as well, was superseded by adelplddous. This gave for
the series adelplios, brother, adelpJiidous, nephew, and anepsiadoiis, nephew's son.
After the substitution of adelpliidous for anepsios the latter was restricted to cousin.

Whether consanguinei in the second collateral line were described by the
Roman or the Celtic method, or were designated by special terms, does not clearly
appear. The form in the table must, therefore, be taken as in a great measure
conjectural. The tendency to specialize the principal relationships is shown by
the opulence of the nomenclature ; thus, for paternal uncle there are patros, patra-
delphos, and patrolcasignetos ; and for maternal uncle metro-s, metr adelphos, and
metrokasignetos ; and also common terms, theios tJieia and nannos nanne, for uncle
and aunt, which were used promiscuously. Patrolcasignetos and nannos appear to
have fallen out of use after the time of Thucydides, but theios and theia remained
in constant use among the people, and probably to the exclusion of the other more
recent terms. This fact is noticed in the Institutes of Justinian as follows :
" Patruus est patris frater, qui Grsecis narpa<5e/l$o$ appellatur. Avunculus est
frater matris, qui Greece MrirpaSehtpos dicitur ; et uterqure promiscue Qetog appel-
latur. Amita est patris soror, qua? Greece TlaTpaoetyri appellatur. Matertera vero
matris soror, quas Greece M^rpa&X^ dicitur; et uterquae promiscue Qeia appel-
latur."1 It is worthy of mention that all of these terms have disappeared from the
modern Greek language,2 except theios tfieia, which reappear, as has elsewhere
been stated, in the Italian Tio Tia, and in the Spanish Tis Tia, uncle and aunt.
There was but a single term for cousin, which shows that the four classes of persons,
who stand in this relationship, were generalized into one. The same amount of
classification here indicated is found in the system of several of the branches of the
Aryan family. It is evident that the special terms were used as far as they were
applicable, and that the remaining kindred were described by a combination of the
primary terms.

It is not necessary to trace further the details of the Grecian system, since it is
not exceptional to the plan of consanguinity of the Aryan family. The great ex-
pansion of the nomenclature in the classical period, to avoid the inconvenience of

1 Lib. III. tit. vi. § 1.

a Glossary of Later and Byzantine Greek, by E. A. Sophocles. Memoirs of the American Aca-
demy of Arts and Sciences. New series, vol. vii.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 31

descriptive phrases, tends to the inference that the original system was purely
descriptive.

There are twenty-two specific terms in this language given in the table for blood
kindred, and nineteen for marriage relatives. These, by augmentation to express
decrees of the same relationship, and by inflection for gender, yield forty-four
additional, making together eighty-three special terms for the recognized relation-
ships.

2. Modern Greek. — The schedule in the table was taken from the glossary, before
cited, of Prof. Sophocles.1 It was compiled by him according to the Roman
method. In the later period of the Empire the two systems, in their legal form,
doubtless became identical. It does not, therefore, require special notice. One
of its interesting features is the contraction of the nomenclature which it exhibits
in the direction of original terms.

II. Eomaic Nations. 1. Italian. 2. French. 3. Spanish. 4. Portuguese.

1. Italian. — The Italian system is not fully extended in the table. It presents
the popular rather than the legal form, the latter of which was doubtless based
upon the Roman. The collateral lines are maintained distinct from each other
and divergent from the lineal line, with the exception of the first collateral, in
which respect the Italian form agrees with the Holland Dutch, Belgian, Anglo-
Saxon, and early English. The nephew and grandson are designated by the same
term, nipote ; in other words, my nephew and grandson stand to me in the same
relationship. This classification merges the first collateral line in the lineal, and
in so far agrees with the Turanian form.

The readiest manner of showing the characteristic features of the system of the
Aryan nations will be to give illustrations of the method of designating kindred in
one of the branches of each of the first three collateral lines. This will make it
apparent, first, that the connection of consanguine! is traced through common
ancestors; secondly, that the collateral lines are maintained distinct from each
other, and divergent from the lineal line, with some exceptions ; thirdly, how far
the system is descriptive, and how far the descriptive form has been modified by
the introduction of special terms ; and, lastly, whether the systems of these nations
are radically the same. The illustrations will be from the first collateral line, male
branch, and the male branch of the second and third collateral lines on the father's
side. For a more particular knowledge of the details of the system of each nation
reference is made to the table.

In the Italian the first collateral line gives the following series, brother,
nephero, and great-nephew, and thus downward with a series of nephews. This
is a deviation from the Roman form. The second collateral runs uncle, cousin, and
cousin's son, which is also a deviation from the Roman.

2. French. — The French method is also unlike the Roman. My brother's
descendants are designated as a series of nephews, one beyond the other, e. g.,
neveu, petit-neveu, and arriere-peiii-neveu. The second collateral line likewise
employed a different method, e. g., oncle, cousin, cousin-sous-germain. In the first

1 Article BaO/jLi

32 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

the uncle is made the root of this branch of the line, and afterward the cousin is
made the second starting-point. As uncle and cousin are common terms, explana-
tory words are required to show whether they belonged to the father's or to the
mother's side. The following is the series in the third collateral : Grand-oncle,
fils du grand-oncle, and petit-fils du grand-oncle. In the fourth and fifth collateral
lines the descriptive method was necessarily adopted.

Among the Aryan nations the French alone, with the exception of the ancient
Sanskrit speaking people of India, possess original terms for elder and younger
brother, and for elder and younger sister. It is a noticeable feature for the reason
that in the Turanian, Malayan, and American Indian families the fraternal and sororal
relationships are universally conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger.

3. Spanish. 4. Portuguese. — There is nothing in the systems of these nations
which is exceptional to the general plan of consanguinity of the Aryan family, or
that requires' special notice.

III. Teutonic Nations. 1. English. 2. Prussian, and German-Swiss. 3. Hol-
land-Dutch. 4. Belgian. 5. Westphalian. 6. Danish and Norwegian. 7. Swedish.
8. Icelandic.

These nations possess the same system of relationship. Presumptively they
commenced with the same primitive form, wherefore a comparison of their several
forms, as they now exist independently of each other, should show, first, what is
still common among them all, and consequently radical ; secondly, that which has
been developed independently in each ; thirdly, the portion that has been borrowed
frorn the Roman ; and, lastly, the true character of the original system.

1. English. — The English legal method of indicating relationships is founded
upon the Roman. It has followed the latter very closely, borrowing a portion of
its nomenclature, and also its method. In the Diagram Plate III. this form is
shown in detail, but limited to the relatives on the father's side. A similar dia-
gram, with slight changes, would show the same lines on the mother's side.

In daily life, however, this formal plan is not resorted to for the near relation-
ships. The common terms are employed in all cases as far as they are applicable;
while for such kindred as are not thus embraced, descriptive phrases are used.
The first collateral line gives for the series brother, nephew, great-nephew, and
great-great-nepheio ; the second, uncle, cousin, cousin's son, and cousin's grandson ;
the third collateral, great-uncle, great-uncle's son, second cousin, and second cousin's
son. These illustrations reveal a tendency to avoid the full descriptive phrases.
If, however, the terms uncle, aunt, and cousin, which are borrowed, through
Norman sources, from the Latin speech, were struck out of the nomenclature,
nephew alone of the secondary terms would remain ; and their loss would render
compulsory the original descriptive form by a combination of the primary terms.
Of discarded Anglo-Saxon terms one, at least, earn1, uncle, was in general use before

1 The word nephew, as used by our early English ancestors, must have had two correlatives, uncle
and grandfather, or the difference in these relationships, as in the case of nephew and yrandnun, was
not discriminated. In King Alfred's Orosius earn is used as frequently for grandfather as for uncle.
Vide Bohn's Ed., pp. 297, 284, 497.

OFT II E HUMAN FAMILY. 33

the Norman period. Whether federa, paternal uncle, and fatJie, aunt, were in
common use among the Saxons, or were developed by scholars with the first
attempts at Saxon composition, is not so clear.

It is evident from the present structure and past history of the English system,
that its original form was purely descriptive ; thus, an uncle was described as
fatliers's brother, or mother's brotJier ; a cousin as a father's brother's son or a motJter's
brother's son, as the case might be, these relationships in the concrete being then
unknown.

In the English language there are but eleven radical terms for blood relatives,
of which three are borrowed; and but two in practical use for marriage relatives.

2. Prussian, and German-Swiss. — The German-Swiss form, as given in the table,
presents the legal system of the people speaking the German language. It is
founded upon the Roman form of which it is nearly a literal copy, and, therefore,
it does not require a special explanation.1

On the other hand, the Prussian exhibits more nearly the common method of the
German people for designating their kindred. There are original German terms
for uncle and aunt, grandson and granddaughter, and male and female cousin,

1 After receiving the carefully prepared German-Swiss Schedule given in the table, which was filled
out by Mr. C. Hunziker, attorney-at-law of Berne, Switzerland, I addressed to this gentleman some
questions in reference thereto through the Hon. Theodore S. Fay, U. S. Minister Resident in Switz-
erland, and received from him through the same channel the following answers. The translation was
by Samuel J. Huber, Esq., Attache of the Legation.

Translation of the Ecport of Mr. Hunziker by Sam. J. Huber.

Question 1. Is the wife of a nephew now called a niece (Nichte), in common speech ; and, in like
manner, is the husband of a niece called a nephew (Neffe) ?

Answer. No.

Question 2. Are the foreign terms Onkel and Tante also applied by a portion of the people both
to the paternal and maternal uncles and aunts as well as Oheim and Muhme?

Answer. Yes. The terms are identical, only the denominations Onkel and Tante are of more
recent [French] origin, while the terms Oheim (abbreviated Ohm.) and Muhme are German. So,
in French, Onkel is called oncle, in old French uncle, derived from the Latin avunculus. Tante is
the French word for Muhme ; old French ante from the Latin amita. Before the aforesaid terms
Onkel and Tante were adopted a portion of the people, for Oheim and Muhme, used the term Vetter
and Base. This is still the case, even at present, with many, particularly country people, who not
unfrequently apply the term Vetter and Base to all collateral relatives.

Question 3. Are my father's sister's son, my mother's brother's son, and my mother's sister's son
described by the term cousin {Vetter), the same as marked on the schedule for my father's brother's
son? And, in like manner, is each of the four female cousins called Base?

Answer. Yes. The terms Vetter and Base are often used in common life not in a strict sense
(in einem uneigentlichen Sinne), and, indeed, their application has nothing actually fixed; the rule,
however, may be fixed that no nearer relative but the descendants of brothers and sisters to each
other (Geschwisterkinder) are called Vettern and Basen (cousins), and that, therefore, these terms
embrace the first and second cousins, and, perhaps, even more remote collateral relations.

Question 4. Was the term Muhme, in ancient times, used to describe a niece and a cousin as well
as an aunt, or either of them ?

Answer. No. The term Muhme never described anything but an aunt.

Question 5. Did the term Neffe originally signify a grandson as well as a nephew?

Answer. No. Even our most ancient legal sources contain but the term Enkel for Grosssohn

5 May, 1868

34 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

which appear to have been developed, with the exception of the first, after the
separation of this dialect from the common Teutonic stem. These terms greatly
improve the nomenclature and consequently the method of the system.

(grandson), and in no instance that of Neffe, Even this last mentioned term was but recently
adopted in legislative documents, having been in former times circumscribed by the term Bruder's
or Schwesterkind.

Question 6. Desired : a list of obsolete terms of relationship, and the persons they were employed
to describe.

6. Report on the obsolete terms of relationship.

After the defeat of the Romans in the fifth century ancient Helvetia formed a part of the great
Germanic nation, and later a part of the Germanic empire. Though the Helvetian territory, and
particularly the towns, were governed by their own national legislation, it is not to be mistaken
that, besides the domestic legal sources, the laws of the Germanic family (the so-called Leges Bar-
barorum, of which, particularly, the Lex Allemannorum and the Lex Burgundionum, and, later,
the Sachsen- and Schwaben- Spiegel) enjoyed a high authority, and that the domestic law has been
amended and completed from that source. If we, therefore, now give a brief statement of the views
of the ancient Germans with regard to relationship and their terms, it is thereby to be understood
that throughout ancient Helvetia the same views had been adopted.

1. The term parenlela, in ancient legal documents, is used to describe the family as a separate
fellowship (geschlossene Rechtsgenossenschafl) as well as a number (Mchrheit) of relatives united
under the same pair of parents as their next common stock (Stamm). The following expressions
are remarkable : —

2. Lippschaft, Magschaft (kin), means, in its larger sense, the kindred in general ; in its proper
sense the law distinguishes between Busen (bosom), comprehending only the descendants of a
deceased, and the Magschaft (kin proper), comprehending only the remote relatives. (According to
the " Sachsenspiegel") the kin begins at the cousinship.

3. Schwermagen, Speermagen, Oermagen (male issue), are called the male persons united by
but male generation (Zeugung). In its real sense it means the blood-cousins upon whom rests the
propagation of the family name and of the house-coat. Opposite to them are the —

4. Spillmagen, Spindelmagen, Kunkelmagen (female issue), that is, all the rest of kindred whoso
consanguinity, either in the ascending or in the descending line, is founded upon the birth from a
woman, or who, although relatives by but male generation, for their female issue are not born for
the sword and lance, but only for the spindle. (Spillmagen is also called Niftel )

5. To count the degrees of consanguinity two different ways have been used — the one representing
them by a tree with branches, the other by the form of a human body. The following representation
is from the " Sachsenspiegel :" Husband and wife, united in marriage, belong to the head ; the
children, born as full brothers and sisters from one man and one wife, to the neck. Children of full
brothers and sisters occupy that place where the shoulders and arms join. These form the first
kindred of consanguinity, viz., the children of brother and sister. The others occupy the elbow, the
third the hand, &c. For the seventh degree there is an additional nail, and no member and the kin,
which ends here, is then called Nagelmagen.

6. Schooss are often called the ascendants.

7. Lidmagen is often used for consanguineous with

8. Vatermagen. This term is more comprehensive than that of Scliwertmagen , for it embraces
all the relatives from the father's issue and descent, and it also includes all the women issuing from
the fathers immediately, for instance, the sister and the aunt from the father's grandfather; and
further, in the descending line, also the degrees of consanguinity arising from women, because, in the
ascending line, fathers are at the head of parentelas. In certain cases this term can even compre-
hend all consanguineous with the father.

9. Mullermagen are called the relatives from the mother's side, or, according to circumstances,
from a mother's side.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 35

In the first collateral line, male, the scries is as follows : Brother, nephew,
great-nephew, and great-yreat^nephew ; or a series of nephews, one beyond the
other, which is analogous to the common English and French usage. The
second collateral runs as follows : Uncle, cousin, cousin 's son, and cousin's grandson.
Cousin is thus made a second starting point, and his descendants are referred to
him as the root, instead of the uncle. In the third, and more remote collateral
lines, the Roman form is followed. The German is a very perfect system, but its
excellence is due to its fidelity to its Roman model.

3. Holland Dutch. — As presented in the table the manner of designating
kindred is rather the common form of the people Jhan the statutory method. It
will be perceived, by consulting the table, that the system is defective in arrange-
ment, and imprecise in the discrimination of relationships. The absence of Roman
influence, which has been so apparent in the previous cases, is quite observable.
The terms neef and nicht are applied indiscriminately to a nephew and niece, to a
grandson and granddaughter, and to each of the four classes of cousins.1 These

1 The term nepos, and its cognates, in the dialects of the Aryan language has a singular history,
which if fully elaborated would be found instructive. Some of the facts are patent. This term exists
in nearly all the dialects of the language, from which it is inferable that it was indigenous in the pri-
mitive speech. The terms for grandfather and uncle arc different in the several stock-languages, from
which it is also inferable that the terms for these relationships, where found, were developed subse-
quently to the separation of these nations from each other, or from the parent stem. Consequently
nepos, and its cognates, must have existed as a term of relationship without a correlative. While the
relationships of grandfather and grandson, and of uncle and nephew, were in process of being sepa-
rated from each other, and turned into proper correlation, the use of nepos must have fluctuated.
Among the Romans, as late as the fourth century, it was applied to a nephew as well as a grandson,
although both avus and avunculus had come into use. Eutropius in speaking of Octavianus calls
him the nephew of Ca;sar, "Ceesaris nepos" (Lib. VII. c. i.). Suetonius speaks of him as sororis
nepos (Cajsar, c. Ixxxiii.), and afterwards (Octavianus, c. vii.), describes Cssar as his greater uncle,
major avunculus, in which he contradicts himself. When nepos was finally restricted to grandson,
and thus became the strict correlative of OHMS, the Latin language was without a term for nephew,
whence the descriptive phrase fratris vel sororis filius. In English nephew was applied to grand-
son as well as nephew as late as 1611, the period of King James' translation of the Bible. Niece is
so used by Shakspeare in his will, in which he describes his granddaughter, Susannah Hall, as " my
niece." But in English, and likewise in French and German, nephew, neveu, and neffe were finally
restricted to the sons of the brothers and sisters of Ego, and thus became respectively the correlative
of uncle. This, in turn, left these dialects without any term for grandson, which deficiency was sup-
plied by a descriptive phrase, except the German, which in enkel found an indigenous term. In
Greek, however, anepsios appears to have been applied to a nephew, a grandson, and a cousin, and
finally became restricted to the last. Neef in Holland Dutch still expresses these three relationships
indiscriminately. In Belgian and Platt Dutch nichte is applied to a female cousin as well as niece.
These uses of the term tend to show that its pristine use was sufficiently general to include grandson,
nephew, and cousin, but without giving any reason to suppose that it was ever as general as the
words relative or kinsman. The difference in the relationships of these persons to Ego was undoubt-
edly understood, and each made specific by description. A term of relationship once invented and
adopted into use becomes the repository of an idea ; and that idea never changes. Its meaning, as
indicated by its use, may become enlarged or restricted among cognate nations after their separation
from each other, or in the same nation in the course of ages ; but the subversion of its meaning or
use is next to impossible. A term invented to express a particular relationship cannot be made to
express two as distinct and dissimilar as those for grandson and nephew ; and, therefore, its exclusive

36 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

several relationships were made definite, when necessary, by a description of the
persons.

In the first collateral line, male, the following is the series : BrotJier, nepliew,
and nephew, which is the popular form ; and brotJier, brother's son, and brother's
grand-child, which is the formal method. The second collateral runs as follows :
Uncle, nephew, and nephew ; or formally uncle, uncle's son, and uncle's grand-child.
The novel feature here revealed of holding grandson, nephew, and cousin in the
same identical relationship still records the first act in the progress of the Aryan
system from a purely descriptive form.

4. Belgian. — The Belgian system of consanguinity is closely allied to the pre-
ceding. It has the same defects and nearly the same peculiarities. Neve and
nichte are applied to the children of the brothers and sisters of Ego ; but not to his
grand-children. Nichte is also applied to a female cousin • and it is probable that
neve was used to designate a male cousin prior to the adoption of Icozyn into the
Belgian dialect. Where terms are found in a dialect cognate with our own,
which are employed in a manner not sanctioned by our usage, it does not follow
that it is either a vague or improper use of the term ; but it shows, on the con-
trary, that the several relationships to which a particular term is applied are not
discriminated from each other ; and they are regarded as one and the same rela-
tionship. In the primitive system of the Aryan family the relationship of cousin
was unknown.

5. Westphalian or Platt Dutch. — The schedule in the table presents the common
form of the people. In the absence of special terms for nephew and niece the first
collateral line is described, e. g., brother, brother's son, and brother's grand-child.
The second collateral gives the following series : Uncle, cousin, cousin's son, and
cousin's grand-child. Nichte still remains in the Westphalian dialect; but it is
restricted to female cousin. In the third collateral the series is still more irregular
from the absence of a term for great-uncle, e. g., father's uncle, father's cousin,
and father's cousin's son. This is simply a modification of the old descriptive
method by the use of secondary terms.

6. Danish and Norwegian. — The system of these nations is entirely free from
Roman influence, from which we have been gradually receding, and is, therefore,
presumptively nearer the primitive form of the Aryan family. The presence of
German influence, however, is seen in the use of the term fatter, cousin, which
introduces into the system the only feature that distinguishes it from the Celtic.

With the exception of the term last named there are no terms of relationship in
this dialect but the primary. For uncle and aunt on the father's side it has far-
broder and faster ; and on the mother's side morbroder and moster, which it will
be noticed are contractions of the terms father, mother, brother, and sister, and,
therefore, describe each person specifically. In the cities the borrowed terms onkel
and tante are employed to a great extent, as they are in all German cities ; but the

application to one would render it inapplicable to the other. It follows that nepos did not originally
signify either a nephew, grandson, or cousin, but that it was used promiscuously to designate a class
of persons next without the primary relationships.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 37

rural populations in Denmark, Norway, and Germany as well, still adhere to the
native term.

The first collateral line male gives the series, brother, brother's son, and brother's
grand-child ; the second, father's brother, cousin, and cousin's grand-child ; and the
third, far-father's brother, father's cousin, father's cousin's son, and father's cousin's
grand-child. These illustrations reveal the character of the system.

7. Swedish. — The Swedish form agrees so closely with the Danish and Norwegian
that it does not require a separate notice.

8. Icelandic. — The insulation of the Icelandic Teutons would tend to preserve
their form of consanguinity free from foreign influence. It has original terms for
grandfather and grandmother in afi and arnma, and a term ne.fi for nephew, which
is given in the Mithridates, but does not appear in the Table. It has terms, also,
for first and second cousin, which are used concurrently with the descriptive
phrases. In form and method, however, it approaches nearer to a purely descriptive
system than any yet presented.

In the first collateral line, male, the scries is as follows : Brother, son of
brother, son of son of brother, and son of son of son of brother. It agrees with
the Celtic in, commencing the description at the opposite extreme from Ego, which,
although it may be an idiomatic peculiarity, is yet significant, and will reappear in
the Armenian and also in the Arabic. For the second collateral we have father's
brotJier, son of father's brother, son of son of father's brother, and son of son of
son of father's brother. The same form, which is seen to be purely descriptive,
runs through the several lines. It follows strictly the natural streams of descent,
and makes each relationship specific. This realizes what we understand by a
descriptive system. It is evidently nearer the primitive form of the Aryan family
than that of any other nation of the Teutonic branch. The advances made by
some of the nations, which it is the object of this comparison to trace, are seen
to be explainable. They have not proceeded far enough to obscure the original
form with which they severally commenced.1

1 Nomenclatures of relationship develop from the centre outward, or from the near to the more
remote degrees. The primary terms would be first invented since we cannot conceive of any people
living without them; but when the nomenclature had been carried to this point it might remain
stationary for an indefinite period of time. The Celtic never passed beyond this stage. By means
of these terms consanguine!, near and remote, can be described, which answered the main end of a
nomenclature. Further progress, or the development of secondary terms, would result from a desire
to avoid descriptive phrases. The first of these reached would, probably, be nepos, as elsewhere
stated, and made to include several classes of persons. Next to this would, probably, be terms
for grandfather and grandmother. In the Romaic, Hellenic, and Slavonic stock languages there are
terms for these relationships, which, it is somewhat remarkable, are distinct and independent of each
other. In the other dialects they are wanting. It would seem to follow that no terms for these
relationships existed in the primitive speech, and that the persons were described as "father's
father," and so on.

Next in order, apparently, stand the relationships of uncle and aunt. These do not appear to
have been discriminated, in the concrete, in the primitive speech. A common term for paternal
uncle is found in the Sanskrit patroya, Greek patros, and Latin patruus; but this term seems to be

38

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

IV. Sanskrit. Very naturally the Sanskrit would be regarded as one of the most
important systems of consanguinity in the Aryan connection, from the weight of its
authority in determining what the original form of the family may have been. It
is to be regretted that the system, as given in the Table, is so incomplete, although
it is shown as fully as competent scholars were able to reproduce it from the remains
of the language. Where the special terms are " numerous, and their etymologies
apparent, as in the Greek, it facilitates the attempt; but where the language is
barren of radical terms, and the compounds are limited in number, as in the
Sanskrit, a failure to recover an ancient, after it has ceased to be a living system,
is not surprising.

There is, however, another view of the case which is not without significance.
The absence of radical terms for collateral relatives, and the presence of a limited
number of compound terms which are descriptive of particular persons, tend to show
that kindred were described, among them, by a combination of the primary terms ;
and that the system, therefore, was originally descriptive.

The following diagram exhibits a fragment of the original method of arranging
and designating kindred : —

LINEAL LINK.

Female.

Male.

Praplt^mahl.

PrapitJjaah*.

2d Col. Line.
Female. F. side
Pitrshvasar.

PUrahvasriya. ( C.

2d Col. Line.
Male. F. Bide.

PitSmahl. / a.F.\ 'it.'.imilia.
G.M.

Pitvoya.

C. ) Pitroyapulra.

It will be observed that most of these terms are compounded of the primary, and
describe persons. They also indicate the line and branch, and whether on the

made from the term for father, by the addition of a termination, and might have come into use
independently, after the separation of these dialects from each other, as faedera, paternal uncle,
from feeder, father, in Anglo-Saxon. The same remarks apply to mdtula, metros, and matertera,
for maternal aunt. There are also common terms for uncle and aunt in the Greek theios theia,
German Oheim and Muhme, English uncle and aunt, derived the last two from avunculus and
amita. In Slavonic we have stryc and ujec for paternal and maternal uncle, and tetka, common
for aunt. From the fact that the same terms do not run through the several dialects of the Aryan
language, the inference is a strong one that these relationships, in the concrete, were not discrimi-
nated in the primitive language.

Uncle is a contraction of avunculus, the literal signification of which is a "little grandfather."

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 39

father's side or on the mother's side. Naptar and naptri are restricted to grand-
son and grand-daughter, although, without much doubt, they were originally applied
to a nephew and niece as well. From the diagram it is a proper inference that the
remaining persons in the several lines are described in a similar manner. The
Sanskrit system appears to agree with the general form prevalent in the Aryan
family. In its development it took the same direction before noticed in the Grecian,
and, to a great extent, in the other dialects of the Aryan language, but without
changing essentially its original form.1

This term, together with that of aunt from amita, has been adopted with dialectical changes into
several of- the branches of the Aryan family, and promises ultimately to displace indigenous terms
developed since the separation of its branches from each other.

In the order of time a term for cousin would be the last invented, on the supposition of a growth
of the nomenclature outward from Ego. It is the most remote collateral relationship discriminated
in any language or dialect represented in the tables, unless the Slavonic is regarded as an exception.
A special term for this relationship must be founded upon a generalization of four different classes
of persons into one class; and, therefore, it is more difficult than either of those previously named.
This term cousin, which seems to be from the Latin consobrinus, was in strictness limited to the
children of sisters ; but it became a common term, and from this source it has been propagated into
several branches of the Aryan family. With these facts before the mind it becomes more and more
apparent that the original system of the family as to its present form was purely descriptive.

1 Note on Sanskrit. Schedule by Fitz Edward Hall, D. C. L. : —

1. The prescribed scheme of vowel-sounds being very inadequate for the Sanskrit, I have
adhered to that more usually followed by Orientalists. According thereto, A is like a in "father;"
a, like a in "America;" e, like our alphabetic a; i, like i in "pin;" i, like i in "machine;" o, like
o in " no ;" u, like u in " bull ;" u, like oo in " fool ;" ai and au, as in the Italian. A peculiar vowel
is represented by ri, which is sounded somewhat like the ri in "rivalry." Sh, s', and s, indicate
three different sibilants.

2. In consequence of prefixing mama, "my," to each word, I have had to give it a case. I have
selected the nominative. The crude form, that found in the dictionaries, of the words for "father,"
"mother," "son," "brother," &c., are pitri, matri, bhrdtri, pvira, &c.

3. It requires great credulity to believe that the Hindus know much of the origin of Sanskrit
words. Generally, they can only refer words to verbal themes, which are, of course, the invention
of the grammarians. Putra, "son," for instance, is fancifully derived from pu, one of the "hells,"
and the etymon "tra," "to draw out;" quasi, "an extractor from hell." Duhitri, " daughter," is
thought, with more of reason, to mean "the milker." See Prof. Max Miiller on Comparative
Mythology, in the Oxford Essays. Paulra, "grandson," is from putra, "son." To paulra, the
preposition pra, "before," is prefixed in prapautra, "great-grandson." "Elder brother" and
"younger brother," agraja and anuja, mean, when analyzed, " foreborn" and "after-born." In
pitamaha and mdtdmaha, "paternal grandfather" and "maternal grandfather," and so of the femi-
nines, maha and mahi are inseparable affixes. The vriddha, in the word for " great-great-grandfather,"
imports "old." Pali, "husband," "lord," we have in the post-Homeric Ssajto*^, the first syllable
of which is the same as the Sanskrit drsa, "country." The feminine of pati, patui, occurs in the
Homeric and later Siartoiva. Dhara, "husband," is seen in the Latin vidua, in Sanskrit, vidhava,
" without husband." Hence appears the absurdity of the masculine viduus, and so of our "widower."
Vimatri, "step-mother," means "a different mother;" for vi has numerous senses in Sanskrit.
Dattaka, "adopted son," =" given." In vimatreya, "half-brother," we seem' and matri, "mother."

4. Degrees of relationship representable only by compounds of other degrees have been omitted.
And here I should mention that pitrivya, "father's brother," is the only word for "paternal uncle"
in Sanskrit. It contains pitri, " father," and an ending. Compare bhratrivya and bhayineya.
Matula is connected, not very obviously, with mdtri.

40 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

V. Slavonic Nations. 1. Polish. 2. Slovakian or Bohemian. 3. Bulgarian.
4. Russian. 5. Lithuanian.

Among the nations of Slavonic lineage the method of designating kindred is, in
some respects, original and distinctive. There appears to be a foreign element in
their system of consanguinity which finds no counterpart in those of the remaining
Aryan nations. The same ideas, both of classification and of description, run
through all the forms heretofore presented in a manner so obvious as to leave no
doubt that they sprang from a common original. But a new element is found in
the Slavonic which is unexplainable by the hypothesis that it has departed, like the
Roman, from an original form in all respects common. The schedules in the Table
are neither sufficiently numerous nor perfect to illustrate the system fully in its stages
of growth ; but enough may be gathered from a comparison of them to encourage
belief that a full knowledge of the system, in its several forms, would tend to
explain the order of the separation of the Slavonic nations from each other, as well
as their relative position in the Aryan family. It would also demonstrate a non-
Aryan source of a portion of the Slavonic blood.

1. Polish. — The Polish system has an opulent and expressive nomenclature,
inferior only to the Roman ; and in the fulness of its development it stands at the
head of the several Slavonic forms.

There are two terms for nephew applied to a brother's son, bratanec and synowicc,
with their feminine forms for niece ; also a separate term siostrzenca for nephew
applied to a sister's son, with its feminine for niece. The opulence of the nomen-
clature is still further shown by the presence of special terms, evolved from the
foregoing, for the husbands and wives of these nieces and nephews : namely,
bratancowa and siostrzencmva, for the two former ; and synowice and siostrzenin, for
the two latter. In the first collateral line, male, we have for the scries : brother,
nepJtew, son of nepliew, and grand-son of nephew. In so far there is nothing
peculiar in the Polish system.

There are separate terms for uncle on the father's and on the mother's side, and
a common term for aunt. The members of the second collateral line are thus
indicated: stryj, paternal uncle, stryjecznybrat, "brother through paternal uncle;"
and stryjecznywnulc, " grandson through paternal uncle." That is to say ; my
father's brother's son is not my cousin, for there is no term in the Slavonic

5. All Sanskrit dictionaries hitherto published, whether Indian or European, are very defective ;
and the Pundits of the present day are, ordinarily, most indifferent scholars. For some of the words
I have given, I am indebted to neither of these sources. My own reading has furnished them to me;
and I dare say I might, at a future time, fill up a number of the many blanks which the paper still
exhibits. Among words indicative of kin which I have met with in Hindu law-books, but which
you do not require, are atydryas'was'ura, "paternal great-grandfather of a woman's husband;"
atydryavriddhaprapitamaha, "paternal great-grandfather's paternal great-grandfather;" &c. &c.

6. The remarriage of widows not having been current in old times in India, a number of words
expressive of relationship that might be counted on, do not exist in the Sanskrit.

7. Should any further information be required in connection with the accompanying table, I would
refer you to Prof. W. D. Whitney, of Yale College. Mr. Whitney's knowledge of the Sanskrit
is acknowledged, by the best of living Sanskrits, to entitle him to rank fully on a level with them-
selves.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

41

stock-language for this relationship : but he is my brotJier through this uncle — my
brother in a particular way. The son of this collateral brother is my nephew, and
the son of the latter is my grandson in the same peculiar sense, since these terms
express the relationship which comes back to Ego. But for the qualification here
placed upon the terms for brother, nephew, and grandson, the mode of classification
would be identical with one of the Asiatic forms hereafter to be presented. How
the Polish made such a wide departure from the primitive descriptive method is a
suggestive question.

The following diagram will make more familiar the lineal and first three collateral
lines on the father's side : —

LIKEAL LIKE.

3d Collateral, Kale

Frawnflk • 1 COS I V. nfik Synowca

G U 1 ZImny Dziadek

8 } Zirancy StryJ

Slryjcczny Brat

Bratan«o

Wnttk

Prawnttk

Having no term for great uncle, my grandfather's brother is my grandfather;
but to distinguish him from the real ancestor, and to express, at the same time, the
difference in the relationship, the word, zimny = cold, is prefixed, which qualification
is continued to each of his descendants. This gives for the series, in the third
collateral, as shown in the diagram, cold grandfather, cold paternal uncle, brother
through cold paternal uncle, nephew through cold paternal uncle, and grandson
through cold paternal uncle. For a further knowledge of this interesting system
reference is made to the Table.

2. Slovaldan or Bohemian. — The Bohemian schedule seems to have been imper-
fectly filled in consequence of following a variant translation of the questions from
English into German, by means of which the learned Professor it would seem was
misled in all the branches of the second collateral line. In this line the most re-
markable features of the Slovakian system appear. It exhibits the nomenclature,
and some portion of each line in agreement with the Polish or Russian, and it is
given entire in the Table as furnished, as it is at least possible that it may be correct.
Since the Bohemians and Poles are of the western Slavonic branch, and the Bulga-
rians and Russians of the eastern, the forms of consanguinity that now prevail in these

6 December, 1868.

42

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

nations would probably exhibit all the diversities in the system of the Slavonic na-
tions. For this reason the incompleteness referred to, and which is true, to nearly
the same extent, of the Bulgarian, is the more to be regretted. The Bohemian form,
as it appears in the Table, is nevertheless Avorthy of a careful examination.

3. Bulgarian. — Two schedules of the Bulgarian are given in the Table. It
agrees with the Polish in a part of the first and second collateral lines. When
both forms are fully investigated, they will doubtless be found in full agreement.
The series of the first collateral line, male, is as follows : Brother, nephew, little
grandson, and little great-grandson. In the second collateral is found the same
extraordinary series before given in the Polish ; namely, chicha, " paternal uncle ;"
otchicha brat, "brother through paternal uncle;" otchiclia bratanetz, "nephew
through paternal uncle ;" and otchicha vnoolc, " grandson through paternal uncle."
this remarkable classification -of kindred, and which is the same in the other
branches of these lines, is peculiar to the Slavonic nations within the limits of the
Aryan family.1 In the remaining branches of this line the persons, as shown in
the Table, are described, which was not to have been expected. It probably indi-
cates that both forms are used.2

4. Rmsian. — In some respects the Russian differs from the Polish and Bohemian.
The following diagram exhibits these differences, as well as all that is peculiar in
the Russian method : —

LINEAL LINE.

MALE.
G G. G. F. Q Prapradjed

G.G.F. Apradjed

4th Collateral,
Male, F. S.

Itt Collateral.

Male.
QBrat

. I

Son O Svn O Pljemjannik

I Djadja

| Dvojurodnyi Brst

Dvojurodnyi Djodja
Trojurodnyi Brat

Q Trojurodnyi Djadja
) Tchetverojnrodnyi Brat

) Dvojnrodnyi Pljemjannik Q Trojurodnyi Pljemjannik Q Tchetverojurodnyi Pljemjannik

G. 8. QVnuch O Vnntchatnyi Pljemjannik O Dvojurodnyi Vnutchatnyi O Trojnrodnyi Vnutchatnyi Q Tchotverojnrodnyi Vnutchatnyi

Pljemjannik Pljemjaunik Pljetnjanuik

1 The fulness of the Bulgarian nomenclature is further shown by the possession of terms not called
out by the questions in the Table : as bratetz, " husband's younger brother ;" malina and sestritza,
"husband's younger sister;" nahranenitz, "adopted son;" nahraneitza, "adopted daughter;"
streekovi, " the children of brothers.

• Mr. Morse, in his letter to the author, remarks : " The only things peculiar which I have noticed
are the three following : First, otchicha brat, brother from paternal uncle, for father's brother's son,
or cousin ; but in eastern Bulgaria uncle's son is used ; second, vnook is used both for one's grand-
son, and for a brother's and sister's grandson ; third, deda is both grandfather and great-uncle. This
is the reciprocal of the preceding. If I call my brother's grandson my grandson, it is proper that
he should call me grandfather." Elsewhere he states that vnook was used in the twofold sense of
grandson and nephew, and that the distinction, in the last use, was sometimes made by prefixing
mal = little.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 43

The first collateral line, male, gives the following series : Brother, nepliew, and
nephew-grandson. The second: Paternal uncle, double-birth brotlier, double-
birth nephew, and double-birth nephew-grandson. The same peculiarity runs
through the other branches of this line, and also through the several branches
of the third and more remote collateral lines. Thus, in the third we have for the
series, grandfather, double-birth uncle, triple-birth brother, trifle-birth nephew,
and triple-birth nephew-grandson. A reference to the Table will show that the
same form of designation runs through the entire system. It will be observed that
in the Russian, as in the Polish, the terms for brother and sister are applied to first,
second, third and fourth cousins, male and female : thus the double-birth brother
is in the second collateral line, the triple in the third, and the quadruple in the
fourth. The son of each of these collateral brothers is a nephew of Ego, and the
son of each of these nephews is his nephew-grandson of a certain birth. This
realizes, in part, the classification of consanguinci which is found in the Hindi and
Bengali, and in other forms in the several dialects of the Gaura language. It
appears to be its object to bring collateral kindred within the near degrees of rela-
tionship, instead of describing them as persons; leaving the relationship to be
implied from the force of the description. The same idea repeats itself in calling
a grandfather's brother a grandfather, which he is not, instead of great-uncle, or
describing him as grandfather's brother.

Special features, such as these, incorporated in a system of relationship, are of
great value for ethnological purposes. Where not essentially foreign to the system
they may be explained as deviations from uniformity which sprang up fortuitously
in a particular branch of a great family of nations, after which they were trans-
mitted with the blood to the subdivisions of such branch ; or, if fundamentally
different from the original system of the family, they may have resulted from a
combination of two radically distinct forms, and, therefore, indicate a mixture of
the blood of two peoples belonging to different families. These special features
of a system, when as marked as in the Polish and the Russian, have a history
capable of interpretation which reaches far back into the past. They are worthy
of investigation for the possible information they may yield upon the question of
the blood affinities of nations which concur in their possession, however widely
separated they may be from each other. If the divergent element is unexplainable
as a development from the materials of the common system of the family, its foreign
origin, through mixture of blood, will become a strong presumption. The peculiar
features of the Sclavonic system cannot be explained as arising by natural growth
out of a form originally descriptive. There is a distinct element of classification
of kindred applied to collaterals which does not seem to spring by logical develop-
ment from the ideas that underlie the common system of the Aryan family. It
falls far below the comprehensive method of classification which distinguishes the
Turanian system; but it finds its counterpart to some extent, as before stated, in
the Hindi and Bengali forms, which have been placed in the Turanian connection.

5. Lithuanian. — The Lithuanian system of relationship is not fully extended in
the Table. So much of it only is given as could be drawn from the lexicon or
vocabulary of the dialect. It is therefore limited to the special terms. The

44 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

method of designating collateral kindred, which is the most important part of the
system, is wanting. It is for this reason of but little value for comparison. Since
both the Lithuanian and Lettish dialects are still spoken, the system of relationship
of each of these nations is still a living form. The absence of the Lithuanian,
therefore, is the more to be regretted, since it might have shown the original
Slavonic form, and thus tended to explain its peculiar features. •

VI. Celtic Nations. 1. Erse. 2. Gaelic. 3. Manx. 4. Welsh.

1. Erse. — The forms in the Gaelic and Manx are in so near agreement with the
Erse that they will be considered together ; but the illustrations will be taken from
the latter.

The Celtic system, as it appears in the forms of these three nations, is purely
descriptive. It is more strictly the typical form of the Aryan family than the
Roman, and on some accounts should have been first presented. But as the Roman
was based upon the same original, and embodies all the developments from it sub-
sequently made, it furnished a better starting-point for the exposition of the
descriptive system. Whilst the Turanian and American Indian systems employ
special terms for every recognized relationship, and are therefore non-descriptive,
the Celtic, possessing no special terms except the primary, is descriptive, pure and
simple ; and thus holds the opposite extreme. The difference, as will appear in
the sequel, is fundamental. There is every probability that the Erse and Gaelic
forms have remained as they now are from a very early period.

Where relatives by blood and marriage are described, without exception, by a
combination of the primary terms, it might be supposed to indicate the absence of
any positive system of relationship ; but this would be an erroneous inference.
Such a form is essentially affirmative. To describe kindred in this manner we
must ascend step by step, by the chain of consanguinity, from Ego to the common
ancestor, and then descend in the same definite manner in each collateral line to
the particular person whose relationship is sought; or, we must reverse -the process,
and ascend from this person to the common ancestor, and then down to Ego. By
this means the natural outflow of the generations is recognized, the several colla-
teral lines are preserved distinct from each other and divergent from the lineal, and
absolute precision in the description of kindred is reached. So far it contains a
positive element. In the second place, to resist for ages the invention or adoption
of special terms for the near collateral relationships which are so constantly needed
in domestic life, evinces a decisive, not to say pertinacious, preference for the
descriptive method. Although this form suggests from within itself a certain num-
ber of generalizations of kindred into classes, with the use of special terms for these
relationships in the concrete, yet a system must be developed up to and beyond the
Roman standard form to render the use of these common terms definitely expres-
sive ; or, in other words, to secure the precision of the purely descriptive method.
As a domestic institution the system necessarily possesses the elements of perma-
nence ; and its modifications are the slow products of time and growth. Beside
the adoption of the Roman as our legal form, the only changes in the English sys-
tem within the last five centuries, so far as the writer is aware, is the restriction
of the terms wpliew and niece to the children of the brother and sister of Ego, and

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

45

the substitution of grandson and granddaughter in their places in the lineal line.
It is not probable that it will be changed as much as this within the same period
of time in the future.

The following diagram exhibits the Erse form : —

LINEAL LINE.

FEMALE

MALE

FATHER'S Sins
V Collateral, FemaU

Driffur nmhar '
Mac driffer mahar
Mac mic driffer mahar
Mac mic mic driffer mahar
.lac mic mic mic d

Shan vahair mahar Q Shan ahair mahar

Mohair mo han ahair Q Ahair mo ban ahu

Mo han Tahair (~) Mo ban ahair

1st Collateral, Female
Mo yriffur I
Mac mo driffer (

I

Mo vahair^ Q M

o ahair

Euo O Eao

Ho ineean O Mo Tac

FATHER'S SIDE.
2° Collateral, Male
\st Collateral, Male O Drihair mahar

O Ma<> drihar mahar

~O Mo yrlhair

I

Mac mo drihar O

Mac mic drihar mahar

riffer mahar O Mac mic mic mo dri

.1

Mac mic mo driffer O lueean mo iueeaa O Mac mo T^c

ffer O Ineean mic mo vie O Mac mic mo Tic

Mac mic mo driha O Mac mic m'c irinar mahar

Mac mic mic mo drihair O Mac mic mic mic drihar mahar

>ir O
O Ma

ilac mic mic mic mic driffer Q Mac mic mic mic mo O In««an mic mic mo Tic Q Mac mic mic mo Tic Q Mac mic mic mic mo O Mac ""'" mlc m'c mlc drihar
mahar driffer drihar mahar

For consanguinei and marriage relatives the Erse and Gaelic have but eight, and
these the primary terms.1 By means of these terms, which exhaust the nomencla-
ture, all of their kindred, near and remote, are described. The diagram represents
the lineal line, male and female, and the first and second collateral lines, male and
female. Each relationship is made personal to EGO by the use of the pronoun my
in the description. of each person.

In the first collateral the series is as follows : Brotlier, son of my brother and
son of son of my brother ; the second collateral, brotJier of my father, son of brotJier
of my father, and son of son of brother of my father. In the third collateral the
description is modified by the use of shan ahair, " old father," in the place of
" father of father," which gives for the series, brother of my old father, son of
brother of my old father and son of son of brother of my old father, and so downward
as far as the line is followed. The description, as in the Icelandic, commences
at the opposite extreme from Ego. In the Table, the Erse, Gaelic and Manx forms
will be found fully extended.

4. Welsh. — It is probable that the Welsh form of describing kindred was origi-
nally the same as the present Erse ; but it is now distinguished from it by the

1 The term uncle has been naturalized in the Erse dialect in uncail, pronounced Oonchail.

46

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

possession of several special terms for collateral relations, which were evidently
indigenous in the Welsh dialect. The use of these terms, as a part of the nomen-
clature, modified the method of describing kindred in the same manner as it did
in other Aryan dialects. They were evolved by generalizing certain persons into
classes, and were used as common terms to express the corresponding relationships.

In the first collateral line, male, the series is as follows : brother, nephew, and
grandson of brother ; in the second, uncle, male cousin, son of male cousin, and
grandson of male cousin. The cousin, as in other forms, is made a second start-
ing-point. Which uncle, or which cousin is intended, does not appear ; and the
defect in the statement could only be corrected by resorting to the Erse method,
or general words explaining the line and branch to which each person belonged.
The prevalence of a concurrent as well as anterior descriptive method, is plainly
inferrible.1

VII. Persian. The modern Persian dialect of the Aryan language has a remark-
able history : not so much from the changes through which it has passed, as from
its having been a literary language from the earliest period, nearly, of authentic
history. After passing through several forms of speech, the Zend, the Pahlevi,
and the Parsee, each of which is permanent in written records, it still remains a
lineal descendant of the Zend, as well as a closely allied dialect of the Sanskrit.

1 In the " Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales," there is a curious diagram illustrative of the
Welsh system of consanguinity, of which the following is a copy. (Vide British Records, Com-
mission Series, Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales, book xi, ch. iv, p. 605.)

If Ego is placed between the father and son the lineal and first collateral lines would become
intelligible, and would be in the same form as the Holland Dutch ; but the remainder would bo
unintelligible. The same result follows each change of Ego upon the lineal line. But it shows that
the arrangement of the lines was correctly apprehended. — G. = {?orAenc?«(Z=great-grandfatlier ; II. =
Hendad = grandfather ; T. = Tad = father ; M. = j)fo6 = son ; W. = Wyr = grandson ; ~B.=Braivl =
brother; K. probably represents either Nai, nephew, or Nghfnder (pronounced hevendcr), cousin,
under a different orthography. C. probably Ooroyr = great-grandson.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

47

It is the only Aryan dialect which can point to more than one antecedent form in
which it was established by a literature, and from which it successively broke
away. It still retains its grammatical structure as an Aryan dialect, whilst it has
drawn its vocables so largely from Semitic and other sources as to seriously alter its
family complexion.

For many reasons the Persian system of relationship was very desirable for com-
parison with those of the remaining branches of the family. It is given with toler-
able fulness in the table. Its nomenclature has been augmented by the adoption
of several terms from the Arabic, which in turn have introduced a change in the
mode of designating kindred ; but it is still evident, notwithstanding the foreign
element, that its original form was descriptive. The following diagram exhibits the
material parts of the system.

LINEAL LINE.

FEMALE

MALE

FiTHEB'8 SlDB

td Collateral, Female

FATHER'S Sins

M Collateral, Malt

Ami

Poosari hahar ( S ' Dflhktarf g 1 Poosar

NaTadai hahar I »> 1 Navada GS KN'avada

Poosari amoo

Navadai «moo

GGS )NiliJ *•«"">•

There is no term in the Persian for grandfather ; he is described as an " elder
father." The term ndtija, great-grandchild, was either borrowed from the Nesto-
rian, or the latter obtained it from the former. In the Persian terms for paternal
uncle and aunt amoo, ama, are recognized the Arabic 'amm, 'ammet, for the same
relationships ; and in hdloo, hdla, maternal uncle and aunt, the Arabic 'Khdl,
'.Khdlet, also for the same. From the presence of these foreign terms in the Persian
it is inferrible that these relationships were not discriminated either in the Zend,
Pahlevi or Parsee, nor in the Persian until after they were borrowed. These several
persons, therefore, must have been described by the Celtic method.

In the first collateral line, male, the series is as follows : brotJier, son of brotJter
and grandchild of brother ; and in the second: paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle,
grandchild of paternal uncle, and great-grandchild of paternal uncle. The other
branches follow in a similar form.1

1 The pronoun my is a suffix in the Persian, as it is in the Finn and also in the Arabic.

Father. Mother. Son. Daughter. Paternal Uncle.

My Poodiiriim, Madaram, Poosaam, Duhktaram, Amooyam.

Our Poodarima, Madarima, Poosaima, Dfihktarima, Amooyama.

His Poodarioo, Madiirioo, Poosaioo, Duhktaroo, Amooyaoo.

48 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

VIII. Armenian. The great antiquity of the Armenians as a people, and their
intimate connection, at different periods, with members of the three great families
of mankind, which have held dominion in Asia Minor, invests their system of consan-
guinity with some degree of interest. It is a simple and yet complete system. In
its radical features, and in its minute details, it is substantially identical with the
Erse and Gaelic forms. One more term is found in its nomenclature than the Erse
contains, namely, tor, grandson ; but this was probably borrowed either from the
Osmanli-Turkish, or the Nestorian, in both of which it is found. The Armenian
system is purely descriptive, the description of kindred being effected by a combi-
nation of the primary terms.

In the first collateral line, male, the . following is the series : brother, son of my
brotJier, and son of son of my brother ; in the second collateral : brother of my fatfter,
son of brotlier of my father, and son of son of brother of my father ; and in the third
collateral : brother of my old-father, son of brother of my old-father ; and son of son
of brother of my old-fatlier. These illustrations are sufficient to exhibit the cha-
racter of the system, and also to show its identity of form with the Erse and
Gaelic. There is also a seeming identity of some of the terms in their nomencla-
tures of relationship. With the Armenian the series of Aryan nations represented
in the Table is closed.

Very little reference has been made to the marriage relationships as they exist
in the several nations of this family. They are not material in the descriptive sys-
tem, except for comparison of the terms as vocables. They will be found in the
Table to which the reader is referred for further information.

From this brief review of the more prominent features of the system of relation-
ship of the Aryan nations it has been rendered apparent that the original form of each
nation, with the possible exception of the Slavonic nations, was purely descriptive.
It is also evident that it is a natural system, following the streams of the blood, and
maintaining the several collateral lines distinct from each other, and divergent from
the lineal line. In several of the subdivisions of this great family it is still exclu-
sively descriptive as in the Armenian, the Erse, and the Icelandic, while in others,
as the Roman, the German, and the English, it is a mixture of the descriptive,
with a limited amount of classification of kindred by means of common terms.
These terms embrace but a fraction of our kindred. Their use, in describing more
distant relations, in combination with the primary terms is but a further expansion
of the original system. The origin of these secondary terms, which represent the
extent of the modification made, must be found in the constantly recurring desire
to avoid the inconvenience of descriptive phrases. Such modifications as have been
made are neither inconsistent with the inference that the original form of each
nation was descriptive, nor such a departure from it as to render it other than a
descriptive system at the present time. This general conclusion, I think, must be
considered established.

It may be farther remarked that certain persons who stand in the same degree
of nearness to Ego were classed together, and a common term invented to express
the relationship ; but some of these terms, as olieim and uncle, vedder and cousin,
are radically distinct, and are yet applied to the same persons. At the same time

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 49

descriptive phrases are used concurrently to designate each respectively. It might
be a reasonable supposition that an elaborate nomenclature of relationships was
developed in the formative period of the primitive speech of the family, yielding
synonyms more or less in number ; and that some of these terms had fallen out of
certain dialects of the language after their separation, and had been retained by
others. But the constancy of the primary terms in all these dialects, and the
ascertained subsequent development of several of the secondary, such as uncle and
cousin, forbid this supposition. There is nothing in the original nomenclature, or
in its subsequent growth, which seems to favor an assumption that the present has
advanced or receded from a primitive form that was radically different. On the
contrary, the evidence from the Sanskrit and Scandinavian, and conclusively from
the Celtic and Armenian, tends to show that the system of the Aryan family, im-
mediately before its subdivision commenced, was purely descriptive, whatever it
might have been at an anterior epoch. The changes that have occurred are ex-
plainable by the changes of condition through which the branches of this family
have passed. And when the amazing extent of these changes is considered it is
chiefly remarkable that the primitive system of consanguinity should still so clearly
manifest itself.

If each distinct idea or conception embodied in the common system of relation-
ship of the Aryan family were detached by analysis from its connections, and placed
as a separate proposition, the number would not be large ; and yet when associated
together they are sufficient to create a system, and to organize a family upon the
bond of kindred. A system thus formed became, when adopted into practical use,
a domestic institution, which, after its establishment, would be upheld and sustained
by the ever-continuing necessities that brought it into being. Its mode of trans-
mission, like that of language, was through the channels of the blood. It becomes,
then, a question of the highest moment whether its radical forms are stable ; and
whether they are capable of self-perpetuation through indefinite periods of time.
The solution of these problems will decide the further, and still more important
question, whether or not these systems, through the identity of their radical features,
can deliver any testimony concerning the genetic connection of the great families
of mankind, as well as of the nations of which these families are severally com-
posed. Without entering upon the discussion of these topics, which is reserved
until the facts with reference to the systems of other families have been presented,
it may be observed that the perpetuation of the descriptive system through so many
independent channels, and through the number of centuries these nations have
been separated from each other, was neither an accidental nor a fortuitous occur-
rence. There are sufficient reasons why the Erse, the Icelandic, and the Armenian
forms are still identical down to their minute details ; why the system of the re-
maining nations of this family has departed so slightly from the original common
form ; and why it has moved independently, in each dialect and stock-language,
in the same definite direction.

The systems of the Semitic and Uralian families remain to be noticed, which, as
they are also descriptive, properly precede the classificatory.

7 January, 1839.

50 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

CHAPTER V.

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEMITIC FAMILY.

Arabic System — Illustrations of its method — Nearly identical with the Celtic — Druse and Maronite — Agrees with
the Arabic — Hebrew System — Restoration of its Details difficult — Illustrations of its Method — Agrees with
the Arabic — Neo-Syriac or Nestorian — Illustrations of its Method — Agrees with the Arabic — System presump-
tively follows the Language — Comparison of Aryan and Semitic Systems — Identical in their Radical Charac-
teristics— Originally Descriptive in Form — Probable Inferences from this Identity.

THE Semitic language, in its three principal branches, is represented in the
Table, with the system of consanguinity and affinity peculiar to each. First, the
Arabic, by the Arabic and Druse and Maronite ; second, the Hebraic, by the
Hebrew; and third, the Aramaic, by the Neo-Syriac or Nestorian. Since the
Arabic and Nestorian are spoken languages, and their systems of relationship are in
daily use, and as the Hebrew exhibits the Jewish form as it prevailed when this
language ceased to be spoken, the schedules in the Table present, without doubt,
the ancient plan of consanguinity of that remarkable family which has exercised
such a decisive influence upon the destiny of mankind. Although the influence of
the Semitic family has been declining for centuries, before the overmastering
strength of the Aryan civilization, the family itself will ever occupy a conspicuous
position in human history. These schedules are the more interesting because they
reveal, with so much of certainty, not only the present but also the ancient system
which prevailed in the Semitic kingdoms of Babylon, Nineveh and Jerusalem, and
in the Commonwealth of Carthage. They are likewise important for comparison
for the purpose of ascertaining the nature and ethnic boundaries of the descriptive
form of consanguinity, and its relations to the forms in other families of mankind.

The two distinguishing characteristics of the system of the Aryan family are
present in the Semitic. In the first place, it is substantially descriptive in form,
with the same tendency to a limited number of generalizations to relieve the bur-
densomeness of this method ; and in the second, it maintains the several collateral
lines distinct from each other and divergent from the lineal line. In other words,
it follows the streams of the blood, as they must necessarily flow where marriage
exists between single pairs.

Whilst the Semitic system separates the family by a distinct and well defined
line from the Asiatic nations beyond the Indus, it places it side by side with the
Aryan and Uralian. So far as the descriptive system of relationship can deliver
any testimony through identity of radical forms, which is worthy of acceptance, it
tends to show, that while there is no traceable affinity from this source between the
Semitic and Turanian families, there is a positive convergence of the Aryan, Semitic

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 51

and Uralian families to a common point of unity, the evidence of which is still
preserved (if it can be said to amount to evidence) in their several modes of indi-
cating the domestic relationships.

I. Arabic Branch. 1. Arabic. 2. Druse and Maronite.

1. Arabic Nation. — There are original terms in this language for grandfather
and grandmother, which is the more singular as there are none in Hebrew.
Ascendants above these degrees are described by a combination of these terms
with those for father and mother, in which respect the Arabic is variant from the
Aryan form. While we would say grandfather's father or great-grandfather, an
Arab would say, father of grandfather. It is a slight difference, and yet it reveals
a usage with respect to the manner of expressing this relationship. There are no
terms in Arabic for grandson or granddaughter, nephew or niece, or cousin. These
persons are described by the Celtic method.

The following is the series in the first collateral line, male : brother, son of my
brother, son of son of my brother, and son of son of son of my brotlier. It is in
literal agreement with the Roman and Erse.

It is a noticeable feature of the Arabic system that it has separate terms in 'amm
'ammet for paternal uncle and aunt, and in 'Midi 'khdlet for maternal uncle and
aunt. By means of these terms the manner of describing the four branches of the
second collateral line was carried up fully to the Roman standard in convenience
and precision, and became identical with it in form. It also tends to show that
the development of a system originally descriptive has a predetermined logical
direction. With the exception of the discrimination of the relationships named,
and the changes thereby introduced in the method of indicating consanguinei, the
Arabic form is identical with the Erse.

In the second collateral line, male branch, the series gives paternal uncle, son
of paternal uncle, and son of son of paternal uncle. The third, which is variant
from the Roman, is as follows : paternal uncle of father, son of paternal uncle of
father, and son of son of paternal uncle of father. This line is described as a series
of relatives of the father of Ego. In like 'manner the fourth collateral line is
described as a scries of relatives of the grandfather of Ego, e. g., paternal uncle
of yrandfatlver, son of paternal uncle of grandfather, and so downward as far as
the line was traceable. For a further knowledge of the details of the Arabic system
reference is made to the Table.

No attempt is made in this system to classify kindred by the generalization of
those who stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego into one class, with the use
of a special term to express the relationship. On the contrary, the four special
terms for collateral kindred, above named, are each applied to a single class of per-
sons who are brothers and sisters to each other, which is the lowest form of gene-
ralization in any system of consanguinity. It is the same as the generalization of
the relationship of brother or son, each of which terms is applied to several persons
who stand in an identical relationship. Nephew, in our sense, on the contrary,
involves the generalization of two classes of persons into one class, and cousin that
of four into one. Neither does the Arabic employ the Sanskritic or Grecian method
of compounding terms by contraction to express specific relationship ; but it adheres

52 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

closely to a purely descriptive method by the use of the primary terms. The
Erse and Gaelic are nearer to the Arabic in their minute forms than they are to
any form of any Aryan nation, except the Armenian and the Scandinavian.

It is quite probable that the words for uncle and aunt are of comparatively
modern use in Arabic as terms of relationship, as they have other meanings, which
for a period of time may have been exclusive. In answer to an inquiry upon this
point the distinguished American missionary Dr. C. V. A. Van Dyck, of Beirut,
Syria, writes : " The Arabic words for uncle and aunt, 'amm 'ammet, 'khdl 'khdlet,
are derived from pure Arabic roots, but are not necessarily of very ancient use in
the above meanings, as they have several other meanings. Their use in describing
degrees of relationship may be somewhat later than the early history of the
language, yet they are found as far back as we have any remains of the language.
If the Himyaritic were sufficiently restored to be of use, it might throw some light
upon what you remark concerning the Erse and Gaelic."

The presence of two of these terms in the Hebrew, and of the four in the Nes-
torian, gives to them necessarily a very great antiquity as terms of relationship ;
but it may be possible to reach beyond the period of their first introduction.

The marriage relationships are quite fully discriminated, and reveal some pecu-
liarities. For an inspection of them reference is again made to the Table.

2. Druse and Maronite. — This form is so nearly identical with the last that it
does not require a separate notice. The fact of its identity, both in form and terms,
is important, however, since it furnishes a criterion for determining the stability of
the system during the period these nations have been politically distinct.

II. Hebraic Branch. Hebrew Nation. The same difficulty that prevented the
restoration of the Sanskrit system of relationship in its full original form exists also
with reference to the Hebrew. It ceased to be a living form when the language
ceased to be spoken, and from the remains of the language it can only be restored
conjecturally beyond the nearest degrees.

In the lineal line all persons above father and below son must have been described
by a combination of the primary terms. This is inferable also from the general
tenor of the Scripture genealogies. There are special terms for descendants of the
third and fourth generation which were applied to each specifically.

The series in the first collateral line, male, as given in the Table, is limited to two
persons, namely, brother and son of brother. It is to be inferred that the remain-
ing descendants were described as son of son of IrotJier, and so downward as far as
the relationship was to be traced.

In this language the term for paternal uncle is dodhi, the literal signification of
which is " beloved." Is it to be inferred that this relationship was not discrimi-
nated until after the Hebrew became a distinct dialect, or that it superseded the
original of the Arabic 'amm? The first two members of this branch of the line
only are given in the table, namely, paternal uncle and son of paternal uncle.
Without doubt the remaining persons were described as in the Arabic. The ana-
logy of the system suggests this inference. In akhi and "kliotli, maternal uncle and
aurt, we find words from the same root as Mdl and khdlet for the same relation-
ships. The description of persons in these branches is the same as in the last case,

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 53

namely, maternal uncle and son of maternal uncle; maternal aunt and son of
maternal aunt. This fragment is all that remains of the Hebrew system as it is
shown in the table. The nature, and to some extent the form, of the system may
be gathered from the Scripture genealogies, in which it is found to be descriptive.

So far as the characteristic features of the Hebrew form of consanguinity are
given in the Table, they are seen to be identical with the Arabic substantially.
This fact becomes important when it is remembered that the Hebrew system is
shown as it existed when the language ceased to be spoken, which event is gene-
rally placed at the period of the Babylonian captivity 720 B. C. At the commence-
ment of the Christian era the Aramaic dialect of the Semitic language had become
substituted for the Hebrew among the Jews. The slight differences between the
Arabic of to-day and the Hebrew form of twenty centuries and upwards ago, is a
fact of some significance in its bearing upon the question of the stability of the
radical features of descriptive systems of relationship.

There are several points concerning the use of terms of consanguinity in the
New Testament Scriptures, as well as in the Old, which it would be instructive to
investigate. This is particularly the case with reference to the term for brother,
which appears to have been applied to a cousin as well, and which use finds
its parallel in the Turanian form. But with the radical features of the Hebrew
system before us, these uses of the term must either find their explanation in some
particular custom ; or point to a different and still more primitive form.

III. Aramaic Branch. Neo-Syriac, or Nestorian.

The Syriac and Chaldee are the two principal dialects of the Aramaic branch of
the Semitic language. Of these, the Nestorian is the modern form of the Syriac,
and stands to it in the same relation Italian does to Latin. It is a lineal descend-
ant of the ancient language of Babylon and Nineveh. We are indebted to the
American missionaries for rendering the dialect accessible.

The Nestorian nomenclature of relationships has been developed slightly beyond
the Arabic and the Hebrew. It has original terms for grandfather and grand-
mother, by means of which, and in combination with the terms for father and
mother, ascendants are described in the same manner as in the Arabic ; also, origi-
nal terms for grandson and granddaughter, and for the next degree beyond, by
means of which descendants are distinguished from each other. This is the extent
of the difference, but it introduces a slight variation in the method of describing
kindred.

The first collateral line, male, gives the following series : Brother, son of
brother, grandson of brother, and great grandson of brother. The form is the
same as in the Arabic, but with the substitution of the new terms. In the second
collateral we have paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, and grandson of paternal
uncle ; and in the third, brottier of grandfather, son of brotfier of grandfather,
and grandson of brother of grandfather. The remaining branches of these lines
are described, with corresponding changes, in the same manner.

In the Nestorian there are no terms for nephew or niece or cousin, consequently
dmuwee and umte, KMluwee and Kdhleh, uncle and aunt, and which are from the

54' SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

same root as the corresponding Arabic words, were without any correlatives except
in the form of descriptive phrases. Notwithstanding the slight deviations between
the Nestorian and the Arabic forms, after an independent and separate existence
of many centuries, they are still identical in their radical characteristics.

Terms for the marriage relationships are less numerous in the Semitic than in the
Aryan language. From their limited number and the manner of their use they
are of but little importance as a part of the general system of relationship, except
for comparison as vocables. In the systems of the Turanian and American Indian
families they enter more essentially into their framework, and are of much greater
significance from the manner of their use.

The system of relationship of the Semitic family has a much wider range than
is indicated in the Table. It will doubtless be found wherever the blood and lan-
guage of this family have spread. Among the Abyssinians, who speak a Semitic
dialect, it probably prevails ; and most likely among the people who speak the Ber-
ber dialects of North Africa, which are said to be Semitic. Traces of it exist in
the system of the Zulus or Kafirs of South Africa, which, Malayan in form, has
adopted Semitic words into its nomenclature. The Himyaritic dialect, if investi-
gated with reference to this question, would probably disclose some portion of the
primitive form.

A comparison of the systems of relationship of the Semitic and Aryan families
suggests a number of interesting questions. It must have become sufficiently obvi-
ous that in their radical characteristics they are identical. Any remaining doubt
upon that point is removed by the near approach of the Arabic and Nestorian to
the Erse and Icelandic. It is rendered manifest by the comparison that the sys-
tem of the two families was originally purely descriptive, the description being
effected by the primary terms ; and that the further development of each respec-
tively, by the same generalizations, limited to the same relationships, was, in each
case, the work of civilians and scholars to provide for a new want incident to
changes of condition. The rise of these modifications can be definitely traced.
Whether the system in its present form is of natural origin, and the two families came
by it through the necessary constitution of things ; or whether it started at some
epoch in a common family and was transmitted to such families as now possess it
by the streams of the blood, are the alternative questions. Their solution involves
two principal considerations : first, how far the descriptive system is affirmative,
and as such is a product of human intelligence ; and secondly, how far its radical
forms are stable and self-perpetuating. It is not my purpose to do more than make
a general reference to the elements of those propositions which will require a full
discussion in another connection.

The descriptive system is simple rather than complex, and has a natural basis in
the nature of descents, where marriage subsists between single pairs. For these
reasons it might have been framed independently by different families, starting
with an antecedent system either differing or agreeing; and its perpetuation in
such a case might be in virtue of its foundation upon the nature of descents. And
yet these conclusions are not free from doubt. With the fact established that the

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 55

plan of consanguinity of the two families is identical in Avhatever is radical, and with
the further fact extremely probable that it had become established in each at a
time long anterior to their civilization, the final inference is encouraged that it pre-
vailed in the two original nations from which these families were respectively
derived. Standing alone, without any contrasting form, the descriptive system of
the two families would scarcely attract attention. But it so happens that in other
portions of the human family a system of relationship now exists radically different
in its structure and elaborate and complicated in its forms, which is spread out over
large areas of human speech, and which has ^perpetuated itself through equal
periods of time as well as changes of condition. The conditions of society, then,
may have some influence in determining the system of relationship. In other
words, the descriptive form is not inevitable ; neither is it fortuitous. Some form
of consanguinity was an indispensable necessity of each family. Its formation
involved an arrangement of kindred into lines of descent, with the adoption of
a method for distinguishing one kinsman from another. Whatever plan was
finally adopted would acquire the stability of a domestic institution as sodn as
it came in general use and had proved its sufficiency. A little reflection will dis-
cover the extreme difficulty of innovating upon a system once established. Founded
upon common consent, it could only be changed by the influence of motives as uni-
versal as the usage. The choice of a descriptive method for the purpose of special-
izing each relationship, by the Semitic family, and the adoption of the classificatory
by the Turanian, for the purpose of arranging consanguine! into groups, and
placing the members of each group in the same relationship to Ego, were severally
acts of intelligence and knowledge. A system of relationship is to a certain extent
necessarily affirmative. Those parts which embody definite ideas and show man's
work are capable of yielding affirmative testimony concerning the ethnic connection
of nations among whom these ideas have been perpetuated. The descriptive sys-
tem is simple in its elements, and embraces but a few fundamental conceptions. It
is therefore incapable of affording such a body of evidence upon these questions as
the classificatory : but it does not follow that it is entirely without significance. It
is something that the Aryan and Semitic families have a system which can be defi-
nitely traced to the same original form, and to a period of time when each family,
in all probability, existed in a single nation. It is something more that this sys-
tem has positive elements as a product of human intelligence ; and that it has
perpetuated itself through so many centuries of time, in so many independent
channels, and under such eventful changes of condition. To these may be added
the further fact that the several systems of the Aryan nations, taken in connection
with the terms of relationship as vocables, demonstrate the unity of origin of these
nations, and their descent from the same stem of the human family. In like
manner, the systems of the several Semitic nations, considered in connection with
the terms as vocables, demonstrate the unity of origin of the latter nations, and
perform this work in the most simple and direct way. Upon the present showing
it will not be claimed, against the testimony of the vocables, and in the face of
the radical differences in the grammatical structure of the Aryan and Semitic lan-
guages, that it affords any positive evidence of the unity of origin of the two

5& SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

families.1 It will be sufficient to say that the descriptive system separates these
families and the Uralian from all the other families of mankind by a clearly defined
line ; and that it seems to point to a nearer connection among them than either
has with any other family of man.

1 " It is impossible to mistake a Semitic language, and what is more important, it is impossible to
imagine an Aryan language derived from a Semitic, or a Semitic from an Aryan language. The gram-
matical framework is totally distinct in these two families of speech. This does not preclude, however,
the possibility that both are divergent streams of the same source; and the comparisons that have been
instituted between the Semitic roots, reduced to their simplest form, and the roots of the Aryan lan-
guages, have made it more than probable that the material elements with which both started, were ori-
ginally the same." — Muller's Science of Language, Lee. viii. p. 282.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 57

CHAPTER VI.

SYSTEM OP RELATIONSHIP OF THE TJRALIAN FAMILY.

Reasons for Detaching Ugrian and Turk Nations frorff the Turanian Connection— Their System of Relationship
Descriptive — Uralian proposed as a Name for the New Family — I. Ugrian Nations — Their Subdivisions —
System of the Finns — Illustrations of its Method — Marriage Relationships — Limited Amount of Classification
— System of the Esthonians — Purely Descriptive — System of the Magyars — Illustrations of its Method —
Peculiar Features— Chiefly Descriptive— II. Turk Nations— Closely Allied to the .Ugrian— Their Subdivisions
— Area of Uralian Family— Osmanli-Turks— An Extreme Representative of the Turkic Class of Nations —
Relative Positions of the Aryan, Semitic, and Uralian Families— Osmanli-Turkish System of Relationship-
Illustrations of its Form — Kuzulbashi — A Turkic People — System of Relationship — Illustrations of its
Form — Descriptive in Character — Identity of System in the Branches of this Family — Its Agreement with that
of the Aryan and Semitic Families— Objects gained by Comparisons— Ascertainment of the Nature and Prin-
ciples of the Descriptive System — Ethnic Boundaries of its Distribution — Concurrence of these Families in
its Possession— Subordinate in Importance to the Classificatory— Exposition of the Classificatory System the
Main Object of this Work.

IT is proposed to detach from the assemblage of nations, distinguished as the
Turanian family, the Ugrian and Turk branches, and to erect them into an inde-
pendent family under the name of the Uralian. All of the Asiatic dialects which
fell without the Aryan and Semitic connections, have been gathered into the Tura-
nian family of languages, with the exception of the Chinese and its cognates.
This classification, however, philologists have regarded as provisional. These
dialects are not parts of a family speech in the same sense as are the Aryan and
Semitic dialects.1 The latter respectively agree with each other in their minute as
well as general grammatical forms, and this, in turn, is corroborated by the iden-
tity of a large number of vocables in the several branches of each. On the other
hand, in the Turanian dialects, in addition to morphological similarities, which are
inconclusive, there is a partial identity of grammatical forms, and also of vocables
which serve to connect particular groups, but fail to unite the several groups as
a whole. In other words, the Turanian family of languages, as now constituted,
cannot hold together if subjected to the same tests upon which the Aryan and
Semitic were established ; or upon which a new dialect would now be admitted
into either.

The introduction of this new family does not contravene any established philo-
logical conclusion. In the formation of a family of languages the method of the
philologists was rigidly scientific. Such dialects as were derived from the same
immediate source, the evidence of which was preserved in the vocables, were first
brought together in a stock-language, such as the Slavonic. A further comparison

1 Science of Language, p. 289.

8 January, 1869,

58 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

of these stock languages with each other was then made, to find how far the root
forms of their vocables were identical ; and also to discover another class of affini-
ties which the grammatical structure of these stock languages might reveal. It
was early ascertained that grammatical structure was the ultimate criterion by
which the admission of a doubtful language must be determined, since the number
of constant vocables became smaller in the extreme branches of a family ethnically
connected, and the subtile process of naturalization might explain their presence in
each without being indigenous in either. In this manner a true family of lan-
guages was bound together by common grammatical forms, and by the more simple
and conclusive bond of common vocables. The Turanian dialects, so called, have
been much less investigated, and are less thoroughly known than the Aryan or
Semitic, in consequence of their great numbers, their inaccessible position, and the
vast extent of the areas over which they are spread. It is not claimed that the
same coincidences in grammatical forms, or identity of vocables exist in the several
branches of the Turanian speech. A limited number of common words and of
common roots, running, not through all the branches of the Turanian speech, but
here and there through certain portions, furnished some evidence of original unity,
but not enough, standing alone, to sustain the classification. These dialects also
agree with each other with respect to their articulation. They are agglutinated in
their structure, and this common feature has entered, to some extent, into the basis
upon which they have been organized into a family of languages. If, however,
agglutination is a stage of growth or development through which all languages
must pass after emerging from the monosyllabic and before reaching the inflectional,
which is the received opinion, it does not furnish any basis for the organization of
these dialects into a family of speech. Beside this, the use of this common feature
of agglutination, as a ground of classification, forces the Chinese and its cognate
dialects into a position of isolation, and interposes a barrier between them and the
proper Turanian dialects where none such may exist. For these reasons the reduc-
tion of this great body of languages, under a Northern and Southern division, into
one common family, the Turanian, could not be other than a provisional arrange-
ment. The science of language is impeded rather than advanced by raising to the
rank of a family of languages such an incongruous assemblage of dialects as are
now included in the Turanian. The Aryan and Semitic standard is much to be
preferred.

Upon the basis of the systems of consanguinity and affinity of the Asiatic
nations, they divide themselves into at least two distinct families, each of which,
it seems probable, will ultimately become as clearly distinguished from the
other as the Aryan now is from the Semitic. A comparison of the systems of a
limited number of these nations has led to singular and rather unexpected
results. The system of the Turanian family proper, Avhich will be presented in
a subsequent part of this work, separates it from the Aryan and Semitic by a
line of demarcation perfectly distinct and traceable. Such a result furnishes no
occasion of surprise. On the other hand, it excludes from the Turanian connec-
tion, by a line not less distinct and unmistakable, the Ugrian and Turk stocks,
which are the principal members of the Northern division of the family, as now

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 59

constituted. In other words, the Ugrian and Turk nations detach themselves,
through their system of relationship, from the Turanian family, and stand indepen-
dent. Such a result was not to have been expected. Their system of consanguin-
ity is not classificatory, but descriptive. If any inference can be drawn from the
joint possession of such a system it would be that these nations are nearer akin to
the Aryan and Semitic nations than they are to the Turanian ; and that- the blood
of the Finn, the Magyar, and the Turk, if traced back to its sources, will be found
to revert to the common stream from which issued the Semitic and Aryan currents
before it can approach the still older Turanian channel.

The Ugrian and Turk nations represented in the Table are few in number. A
much larger number is fairly necessary to substantiate the claims of these nations
to the rank of a family ; but nevertheless, the indications revealed in their system
of relationship are unmistakable. It will be quite satisfactory to leave the final
recognition of the Uralian family dependent upon the concurrence of the unrepre-
sented nations in the possession of the same system of consanguinity. For the
present it will suffice to present the system as it now exists in some of the branches
of the proposed family as a justification of their removal from the Turanian con-
nection.

The term Uralian, which is suggested for this family, has some advantages of a
positive character. Ugrian and Turkic have definite significations in ethnology ;
and Mongolian, which was formerly applied to both, as well as to other and more
Eastern nations, includes stocks not represented in the Table, whose system of rela-
tionship when procured may be variant. Uralian has been used in various connec-
tions, but without becoming limited to any exclusive use. The Ural chain of
mountains traverses the areas of the Ugrian and Turk nations, and with it they
have been territorially associated from time immemorial. Uralian, therefore, as an
unappropriated term, is not only free from objection, but there are general reasons
commending it to acceptance.

I. Ugrian Nations. 1. Finn. 2. Esthonian. 3. Magyar.

Under the general name of Ugrians are now included the Laps, Samoyeds, Yenis-
cians, and Yukahiri ; the several subdivisions of the Permians, and of the Finns of
the Baltic and the Volga; and the Voguls, Ostiaks, and Magyars.1 They hold the
chief part of the polar area both of Europe and Asia, and spreading southward
through several parallels of latitude, they are confronted on the south by the Sla-
vonic and Turk nations. The Ugrians are believed to be older occupants of North-
eastern Europe than the Slavonians,2 and stand to this area in the same relation
that the Celts do to Western Europe. The southern portion of their area lies
between that of the Turk stock on the east, and the Slavonic on the west, by
both of whom it has been encroached upon and reduced from century to century.
It seems probable that they have been forced northward to the Arctic region from
a much lower primitive area ; and that they have become a polar people from neces-
sity rather than choice. They are still a numerous, and, in many respects, an

1 For the systematic classification of these nations, see Latham's Descriptive Ethnology, I, 461.
" Latham's Native Races of the Russian Empire, p. 5.

60 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

interesting race of men. Their capabilities for future improvement may be inferred
from the progress made by the Magyars and Finns. The system of relationship
of the Ugriari nations, so far as it is given in the Table, is limited to that form of it
which now prevails among the Finns of Finland, the Esthonians, and the Magyars.
Of these, the first two belong to the same and the third to a different subdivision
of the Ugrian stock. Presumptively, the system of the remaining nations is the
same in fundamental characteristics ; but a knowledge of their forms is necessary
to the determination of that fact.

1. Finns. — Two schedules were received, fully and minutely filled out with the
system of consanguinity and affinity of the Finns. One of them was prepared by
Mr. G. Selin, a student in the University of Helsingfors, at the request of the late
President Retzius ; and the other by Dr. Urjo Koskinen, one of the Faculty of the
University of Jacobstad, both of them Finns. The differences between the two
schedules were so slight, although made without any knowledge of each other's
work, that they are given in the Table as one under their joint names. A special
notation was furnished with each schedule, but the pronunciation of the words is
indicated by the common characters.1

As it is important to know the precise character of the Finn system, it will be
presented with more fulness than in previous cases.

There are no terms in this language for ancestors above father and mother,
except eulclco, grandmother; or for descendants below son and daughter. They
are described, with the exception named, by an augmentation or reduplication of
the primary terms. Among the Turanian nations the relationship of brother and
sister is conceived in the twofold form of elder and younger, as is shown by the
possession of separate terms for these relationships, and the absence, usually, of
terms for brother and sister in the abstract. The Finns, in this respect, foUow the
usage of the Aryan and Semitic families.

In the first collateral line male, the scries is as follows : Brother, son of trotJier,
son of son of brotJwr, and son of son of son of brother. There is a term for nephew,
nepaa, but none for niece ; while the female branch of this line necessarily employs
the descriptive method, the male has the same, and also a second form, as follows :
Brother, nephew, son of nephew, and son of son of nephew.

There are separate terms for paternal and maternal uncles, a common term for
aunt, and two terms for cousin, which give to the Finn nomenclature quite a full
development, and to its form a sensible approach to the Roman.

1 Mr. Selin, in his letter, remarks : " The information relating to the ancient condition of the Fin-
nish nation is scarce and defective, which is not surprising, the nation having been for seven centu-
ries subjected to foreign influence and subdued, before they had brought forth a history of their
own, or reached any high degree of culture. The ancient national songs, proverbs, and fables, which
have been gathered of late, with great zeal and application, are almost the only source from which we
derive any knowledge of the life, customs, and institutions of our ancestors. Among these monu-
ments of times gone by, the celebrated cycle of songs called "Kalevala" stands foremost. Concern-
ing most of the circumstances of which you desire to be informed, all positive knowledge is wanting.
. . . . No division into tribes has as yet been traced among the Finns. We. call ourselves
Susmalaisct,"

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. (jl

The second collateral line male on the father's side runs as follows : Paternal
uncle, son of paternal uncle, and son of son of paternal uncle. Another, and perhaps
more common form, is the following: Paternal uncle, cousin, son of cousin, and
son of son of cousin. The other branches of this line show the same forms with cor-
responding changes of terms.

Assuming that the Finn system was originally purely descriptive, it will be seen
that it has developed in the precise direction of the Roman form and of the forms
among some other Aryan nations. In this respect the comparison is instructive, as it
tends to show: first, that however simple the ideas may be which express the connec-
tion of consanguinci, they serve to organize a family upon the bond itself, and thus
assume the form of a domestic institution ; secondly, that it is extremely difficult
to change essentially an established system, whether descriptive or classificatory ;
thirdly, that the inconvenience of the descriptive form tends to suggest the use of
the common terms found in the Finn, and English as well, which arise out of the
system by logical development; and lastly, that the direction this development
would take was predetermined by the logical trend of the ideas embodied in the
system. The phrase " father's brother" describes a person, but it also implies, as
elsewhere remarked, a bond of connection between that person and myself, which
is real and tangible. When the idea suggested by the phrase found a new birth
in patruus or seta, these terms superseded the former, and became the living
embodiment of the idea itself. It was not so much an overthrow of the descrip-
tive method as the realization of the conception it suggested in an improved as \vell
as concrete form. Centuries of time may have elapsed before this much of advance
was made. Having thus gained the relationship of paternal uncle, the Finns could
say, setani polled, " son of my paternal uncle," instead of " son of my father's
brother," which is slightly more convenient. The same remarks apply to the rela-
tionships of nephew and cousin.

The third collateral line gives the following series: Paternal uncle of my father,
son of paternal uncle of my father, and son of son of the same ; or, in another form,
brother of my great father, cousin of my father, and son of cousin of my father. The
relatives of Ego in the remaining branches of this line are designated in a similar
manner.

The marriage relationships are quite fully discriminated. There are special
terms for husband and wife, father-in-law, and mother-in-law, son-in-law and
daughter-in-law ; and also three different terms for the several brothers-in-law, and
two for the several sisters-in-law. Its nomenclature, therefore, is nearly equal to
the Roman. Fulness in the discrimination of the marriage relationships is also a
characteristic of the Turanian system.

There are but five generalizations in the system of relationship of the Finns.
First, the several brothers of a father are generalized into a class, and the term
seta, parental uncle, is used to express the relationship ; secondly, the several
brothers of the mother of Ego are generalized into another class, and a different
term, eno, maternal uncle, is employed to distinguish it from the former ; thirdly,
the several sisters of his father and mother are generalized into a class, and a com-
mon term, idle, aunt, is used to indicate the relationship ; fourthly, the sons of the

62 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

brothers and sisters of Ego are brought into a common class, and the term nepdci,
nephew, indicates the relationship ; and lastly, the children of these several uncles
and aunts are generalized into one class, and the common term serkku, and another,
orpdnd, cousin, were used to express this relationship. Such an amount of classi-
fication, and following so closely in the direction of the lloman, suggests a pre-
sumption of influence from that source. But it is difficult to see how it can be
sustained. ' At the same time there is a striking similarity, not to say affinity,
between several of the Finnish terms of consanguinity, and the corresponding
terms in the Aryan dialects : for example, sisar, sister ; tytar, daughter ; pol7ca,
son ; nepdd, nephew ; tdte, aunt ; seta, parental uncle ; and eno, paternal aunt. The
terms for collateral consanguine! may have been borrowed from Aryan sources,
which is not improbable, but this could not be affirmed of sisar, tytar, and pmka.
What the explanation of these affinities may be, I am unable to state. As the
Turanian system has not yet been presented, it cannot be contrasted with that
here shown. It may be premised, however, that the Finn system does not contain
a single characteristic of the Turanian, the two former being the reverse of each
other in every respect, as will appear in the sequel.

From what has been seen of the gradual development of special terms in the
Aryan languages, and of the modification, by means of them, of the descriptive
form ; and from what now appears on the face of the Finnish system, it is a reason-
able, if not a necessary inference, that the latter was also originally descriptive,
and that the special terms for collateral consanguine! were of comparatively modern
introduction. This view will be materially strengthened- by the present condition
of the Esthonian form.

2. Esthonians. — The system of relationship of the Esthonians was furnished by
Charles A. Leas, Esq., United States Consul at Revel, Russia. It is the more
valuable and interesting from the fact that this people are rude and uncultivated,
and still possess their native language, usages, and customs, although surrounded
by Slavonic and German populations.1 It is, therefore, presumptively nearer to the

1 From the instructive letter of Mr. Leas, which accompanied the schedule, the following extracts
are taken. " The Esthonians who inhabit this province, and who for the past seven hundred years
have constituted its peasantry, were found a comparatively wild and uncultivated people by the
German Knights, when they invaded and took possession of the country, A.D. 1219. This people
were at that time divided into a number of tribes, each being governed by a chief. At that period
they had, to some extent, abandoned their nomadic life, and a portion of them had commenced the
cultivation of the land, by making farms ; but they have preserved no traditions, nor have they the
slightest conception as to their origin, or from whence they came. And although they have lived
among a highly intelligent and cultivated people (the Germans) for the past six hundred years, they
have persistently and obstinately refused to adopt or learn their language, habits, customs, or dress ;
but to this day have preserved with tenacity the language, habits, customs, and even dress of their
fathers, living in the same condition substantially in which they were found in 1219. No traditions
are known or related among them which throw any light upon their origin or ancient history ; nor
have the Germans preserved any knowledge of their civil organization or mode of government, beyond
the simple fact that they were divided into tribes, and that these tribes were governed by chiefs.
From 1219 to about fifty years ago, this people were held as slaves by the German nobility; and
they now constitute the peasantry of that province. Until lately they had no written language ; and

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 63

primitive form of consanguinity of this branch of the Uralian family than that of
the Finns. The two- peoples speak closely allied dialects of the same stock lan-
guage.

Mr. Leas remarks upon the system as follows : " The system of relationship now
in use among the Esthonians is nearly the same as our own, the terms being few,
and extending only to the nearest kindred. You will notice from the annexed
schedule that the native Esthonian has no condensed form of expression, as with
us, for the principal relationships. For example, instead of calling his father's
brother his uncle, he says, 'my father's brother ;'~and instead of calling his father's
or his mother's sister his aunt, he says, ' my father's sister,' or ' my mother's
sister ;' and instead of condensing the phrase, ' mother's sister's husband' into
uncle, he says, 'my mother's sister's husband.' In like manner, instead of calling
his son's wife his daughter-in-law, he would say, minu poeg naine, that is, ' my
son's wife ;' and so on with the other relationships."

He thus gives, in a few words, the substance and the characteristics of the
Esthonian system. Having no terms in their language for uncle or aunt, nephew
or niece, or cousin, and no classification of kindred of any kind, they describe them
by a combination of the primary terms. It is, therefore, the Erse and Gaelic
method, pure and simple, and the only instance in which it has been found without
the circle of the Aryan family. The terms of relationship are, for the most part,
the same, under dialectical changes, as the Finnish; from which the inference
arises that the system, with the terms, came down to each from the same original
source. Since the Esthonian form is the simpler of the two, it seems to be a

even now are extremely ignorant and uneducated, abounding in superstitions, and bitterly opposed
to all modern improvements. That the line of succession in their original chiefs was from the father
to his eldest son (and not elective), seems probable from the fact that to this day all the property
of the father descends to the eldest son, the other children inherited nothing ; and this rule prevails
outside of the Russian law. The people are 'hewers of wood and drawers of water,' having no
part whatever cither in making laws, or in the administration of the general or provincial govern-
ment. The old German nobility make and execute all the laws of the province, under the Emperor,
who permits them to do so ; nor are the peasantry possessed of any wealth worth mentioning. The
land of the province is owned by the German nobles, who have divided it into estates of immense
dimensions, called Knights' Estates, some of which are twenty and thirty miles square ; and none,
I believe has less than eight or ten miles square. These estates can neither be reduced below what
is called a Knight's estate, which is some three or four thousand acres ; nor can any man purchase
an estate in the province except he be an Esthonian nobleman. The most distinguished Russian,
of whatever rank, could not purchase an Esthonian estate, unless the Esthonian nobility first admitted
him as a member of their body ; and as the Esthonians proper are peasants, and none of them noble-
men, so none possess estates. They rent the land and cultivate it, and in payment give either work
or money. Each estate has one, two, or three thousand acres of land immediately around the resi-
dence of the nobleman, which he cultivates himself through the labor of the peasants, the balance
being parcelled out in peasant farms of one or two hundred acres. The peasant farmers, if they pay
in work, which is generally the case, send their sons, wives, and daughters to work for the nobleman,
who, in this manner, without personal labor, secures the ample cultivation of that part of the estate
which remains for his own use, as first stated. The peasants live in small wood houses without
chimneys, which are filled with smoke the entire winter, and live on black bread, milk, and salt
They have stoically resisted all the kind efforts of the nobility to give them chimneys to their houses,
declaring, as they do, that it is a destructive innovation, only tending to destroy their lives."

64 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

further necessary inference that it still exhibits the system of the original stock
from which both were derived ; thus tending to confirm, by an independent argu-
ment, a conclusion previously formed, that the system of the Finns was originally
purely descriptive. The two forms are identical in their radical conceptions, the
difference consisting in the limited amount of classification of kindred which is
found in the latter. In like manner, the absence from the Esthonian dialect 'of
several of the terms of relationship now existing in the Finnish, tends to show that
the latter have been developed in the Finnish, or introduced from external sources,
with the modifications of form thereby produced, since the separation of these
nations from each other, or from the parent stem. The same system of consan-
guinity being thus found in two parallel streams of descent, carries back its exist-
ence, as a distinct system, to the time when the Finns and Esthonians, or their
common ancestors, were one people. It can therefore claim an antiquity in the
Uralian family of many centuries.

It will not be necessary to take up the Esthonian system in detail after this gene-
ral explanation of its character. For a further knowledge of its form reference is
made to the Table. Although not fully extended, the remainder, from what is
given, can be readily inferred.

3. Magyars. — The ethnic connection of the Magyars with the Ugrian nations is
well established. Since their irruption into Hungary they have been surrounded
by Slavonic populations, of whose progress they have, to some extent, partaken ;
but their system of consanguinity appears to have remained uninfluenced from this
source. The schedule in the Table, by some misconception, was filled out as far
only as special terms are used, leaving all the remaining questions unanswered.
Of this omission the following explanation was given in a note. " The degrees of
relationship left unfilled, or marked with [a wave line] have no popular nouns
[terms] in the Hungarian or Magyar language, and are circumscribed [described]
as in English." It would have been more satisfactory to have had the full details
of the system, since the method of description is material ; but yet it will be suffi-
cient for general purposes to know that it is descriptive in all cases where special
terms are not used.

Grandfather is expressed by prefixing oreg, old, to the term for father, and
great-grandfather by prefixing tied, the signification of which is not given. A
grandson is described as " son of my son."

The relationships of brother and sister are concieved in the twofold form of elder
and younger, and not in the abstract. It is one of the remarkable features of the
Magyar system, and one which may be expected to reappear in the forms of other
nations belonging to this branch of the family. The four terms are radically dis-
tinct from each other, and as follows: batyam, "my elder brother;" ocsem, "my
younger brother;" nenem, "my elder sister;" and hugom, "my younger sister."
This is the first, and the only Turanian characteristic in the Magyar system.

I call my brother's son, Ids ocsem, kis = little, literally, " my little younger brother ;"
and my brother's daughter, kis hugom, "my little younger sister." My brother's
grandson and great-grandson are described, but the form of description is not given.

OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 65

In the second collateral line the same peculiarity reappears. I call my father's
brother, nagybatyam,nagj — grand, literally, "my grand elder brother," and my
father's sister, nac/y nenem, " my grand elder sister." My mother's brother and
sister are designated by the same phrases ; and therefore, which branch was intended
must be indicated, when necessary, by additional words. In what way the child-
ren and descendants of these several uncles and aunts are described, does not
appear.

No explanation is given in the schedule of the manner of indicating the series
of relatives in the third, and more remote collateral lines, except that they are
described.

The novel method found in the Magyar system for expressing the relationships
of uncle and nephew, aunt and niece, has not before appeared, and does not appear
again in the system of any nation represented in the Tables. The nearest approach
to it occurs in the system of the Minnitaree and Upsaroka Indian nations of the
Upper Missouri, among whom uncle and nephew stand in the relation of elder and
younger brother. This form, however, is exceptional, and confined to these cases
in the Indian family. Such deviations as these from the common form are
important, since they are apt to reappear in other branches of the same stock, and
thus become threads of evidence upon the question of their ethnic connection, and
also with reference to the order of their separation from each other, or from the
parent stem. When such a method of indicating particular relationships comes
into permanent use to the displacement of a previous method, the offshoots of the
particular nation in which it originated, are certain to take it with them, and to
perpetuate it as an integral part of their system of consanguinity. A feature of
the same kind has been noticed in the Slavonic, and still others will appear in the
systems of other families. The most unexpected suggestions of genetic connection
present themselves through such deviations from uniformity, when it reappears in
the systems of other nations.

In Magyar, the marriage relationships are not fully discriminated by special
terms. There are terms for husband and wife, father-in-law and mother-in-law,
son-in-law and daughter-in-law, and one term for sister-in-law. All others are
described.

Notwithstanding the absence of full details of the Magyar system of relation-
ship, enough appears to show that it is not classificatory in the Turanian sense,
but chiefly descriptive. The generalizations which it contains are : first, that of
brothers and sisters into elder and younger ; secondly, that of the brothers of the
father and of the mother into one class, as grand elder brothers ; thirdly, that of
the sisters of the father and of the mother into one class, as grand elder sisters ; and
fourthly, that of the children of the brothers and sisters of Ego into two classes,
as his little younger brothers and little younger sisters. The last three, while they
exhibit a novel method of description, failed to develop in the concrete form the
relationships of uncle and aunt, or nephew and niece. It gives to the system a
certain amount of classification ; but it is in accordance with the principles of the
descriptive form.

9 February, 1869.

66 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

II. Turk Nations. 1. Osnianli-Turks. 2. Kuzabbashi.

The Turk stock is allied to the Ugrian.1 It is one of the most important in
Asia, both with respect to its past history and its future prospects. More highly
endowed, and more energetic in impulse than other Asiatic nomades, their migra-
tory movements, and military and civil achievements have been more conspicuous
than those of other nomadic nations. The principal subdivisions of the Turk
stock are the Kirgiz, the Bashkers, and the Nogays, on the north and west ; the
Yakuts, or Sokhalars, detached geographically and established on the Lena within
the Arctic circle; the Osmanli-Turks on the west; and the inhabitants of Bokhara,
Chinese Tartary, and Turkistan on the east and south.2 The differences among
the several dialects of these nations are said to be less than among the Ugrian.

It is thus seen that the Uralian family, in its several branches, occupies an immense,
a compact, and a continuous area, extending from the Arctic Sea to the Mediter-
ranean and Caspian, and from China and Mongolia to the territories of the Aryan
family.3 This fact is equally true of all the great linguistic families of mankind.
Reasons for this are found in the causes which control the migrations of nations,

1 " Those writers, in short, who adopt the nomenclature of Blumenbach, place the Ugrians and
Turks in the same class, that class being the Mongol. So that, in the eyes of the anatomist, the
Turks and the Ugrians belong to the same great division of mankind." — Latham's Native Races of
the Russian Empire, p. 30.

a " It suggests the idea of the enormous area appropriated to the Turkish stock. It is perhaps
the largest in the world, measured by the mere extent of surface ; not, however, largest in respect
to the number of inhabitants it contains. In respect to its physical conditions, its range of difference
is large. The bulk of its surface is a plateau — the elevated table-land of Central Asia — so that,
though lying within the same parallels as a great part of the same area, its climates are more extreme.
But then its outlying portions are the very shores of the icy sea ; whilst there are other Turks as
far south as Egypt." — Native Races of Russian Empire, p. 29.

8 Lamartine describes the prairie or table-lands of Asia between the Caspian Sea and the frontiers
of China, the home country of the pastoral tribes of the Turks, as follows. " This basin, which ex-
tends, uncultivated, from the frontiers of China to Thibet, and from the extremity of Thibet to the
Caspian Sea, produces, since the known origin of the world, but men and flocks. • It is the largest
pasture-field that the globe has spread beneath the foot of the human race, to multiply the milk
which qoenches man's thirst, the ox that feeds him, the horse that carries him, the camel that follows
him, bearing his family and his tent, the sheep that clothes him with its fleece. Not a tree is to be
seen there to cast its shade upon the earth, or supply a covert for fierce or noxious animals. Grass
is the sole vegetable. Nourished by a soil without stones, and of great depth, like the slimy and
saline bottom of some ocean, emptied by a cataclysm ; watered by the oozings of the Alps of Thibet,
the loftiest summits of Asia ; preserved during the long winters by a carpet of snow, propitious to
vegetation ; warmed in spring by a sun without a cloud ; sustained by a cool temperature that never
mounts to the height of parching, grass finds there, as it were, its natural climate. It supplies there
all other plants, all other fruits, all other crops. It attracted thither the ruminant animals — the
ruminant animals attracted man. They feed, they fatten, they give their milk, they grow their hair,
their fur, or their wool for their masters. After death they bequeath their skin for his domestic
uses. Man, in such countries, needs no cultivation to give him food and drink, nor fixed dwellings,
nor fields inclosed and divided for appropriation. The immeasurable spaces over which he is obliged
to follow the peregrinations of his moving property, leads him in its train. He takes with him but
his tent, which is carried from steppe to steppe, according as the grass is browsed upon a certain
zone around him ; or he harnesses his ox on to his leather-covered wagon, the movable mansion of
his family."— History of Turkey, I, 181 (Book II, S. xix.) Appleton's edition, 1355.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 67

of which the principal are physical ; but among the moral are those relating to
the sympathy and mutual protection which flow from community of blood.

1. Osmanli-Turks. — In many respects the Osmanli-Turks are an extreme repre-
sentative of the Turkic class of nations. Their language, originally scant in
vocables, has drawn largely, as is well known, from Persian, Arabic, and other
incongruous sources, but without yielding its primitive grammatical forms. Their
blood, also, has become intermixed, in the course of centuries, with that of the
Semitic and Aryan families, without disturbing, however, the influence of the
preponderating Turk element, or infusing, to any perceptible extent, Aryan or
Semitic ideas. As a people they are still under the guidance of the same impulses
and conceptions which existed in their brains when they left the table-lands of Asia
to enter upon their eventful migration for the possession of one of the ancient seats
of Aryan civilization. Their civil and domestic institutions, which are still oriental,
have proved incapable of developing a State of the Aryan type, because the ele-
ments of such a political organism did not exist in the conceptions of the Turk
mind. It is impossible to develop from the primary ideas deposited in the intel-
lectual and moral life of a people, and transmitted with the blood, a series of institu-
tions which do not spring logically from them. There is a fixed relation between
rudimentary institutions and the State which rises out of them by the growth of
centuries. These institutions are developments from pre-existing ideas, conceptions,
and aspirations, and not new creations of human intelligence. Man is firmly held
under their control, and within the limits of expansion of which they are suscep-
tible. It is by the free admixture of diverse- stocks, or, better still, of independent
families of mankind, that the breadth of base of these primary ideas and concep-
tions is widened, and the capacity for civilization increased to the sum of the original
endowments and experiences of both. Where the intermixture of blood is greatly
unequal, the modifications of institutions are relatively less than the quantum of
alien blood acquired ; since, in no case, will the preponderating stock adopt any con-
ceptions that do not assimilate and become homogeneous with the prevailing ideas.
Hence, the most favorable conditions for a new creation, so to express it, of mental and
moral endowments is the consolidation of two diverse and linguistically distinct peoples
into one, on terms of equality, that they may become fused in an elementary union.

The Aryan family unquestionably stands at the head of the several families of
mankind. Next to the Aryan stands the Semitic, and next to the latter the Ura-
lian ; and they are graduated at about equal distances from each other. Each has
its points of "distinguishing excellence ; but taken in their totalities, the Aryan
family has the greatest breadth and range of intellectual and moral powers, and
has made the deepest impression upon human affairs. By what combination of
stocks this immense mental superiority was gained we are entirely ignorant. The
same may be said of the Semitic as compared with the Uralian, and of the Uralian,
though in a less degree, as compared with the Turanian.

In the light of these suggestions the failure of the Osmanli-Turks to reach or
even to adopt the Aryan civilization is not remarkable. Six hundred years of expe-
rience, of civilizing intercourse with Aryan nations, and of localized government have
failed to raise them to the necessary standard of intelligence. Instead of working

68 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

their way up to civilization by the slow process of internal growth, as each of the
Aryan nations has done independently of each other, they attempted to seize it
ready-formed at the point of the scimitar. .It cannot be won in this manner ; neither
can it be acquired by formal attempts to practise its arts and usages. It has an
older and deeper foundation in the mental constitution of the people. These
suggestions have a direct bearing upon systems of relationship, which are under the
same law as to their development, and share the same elements of permanence which
inhere in domestic institutions.

The Osmanli-Turkish system, having borrowed a portion of the Arabic nomen-
clature, is not the best type of the system of this branch of the family. That of
the Kirgiz or Bashkirs would have been much better had it been procured. It is
inferior to the Kuzulbashi which follows.

There are terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, and a term
in common gender for grandchild. Ascendants and descendants beyond these are
described by a combination of terms.

I call my brother's son and daughter yeyenim, which is a term in common gender
for nephew and niece. The children of the latter are described.

The term for paternal uncle, ammim or amujam, and paternal aunt, lialam, appear
to be from the Arabic. It has terms also for maternal uncle, dayem, and for pater-
nal aunt, diazam. These terms determine the form for the designation of kindred
in the second collateral line, at least in part. The series, in the male branch used
for illustration, is as follows : paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, and son of son
of paternal uncle. Of the next degree below this, Dr. Pratt remarks in a note
that " the same form of description, if any, is employed." This is a novel feature
in the system, since it appears that all the descendants of an uncle, near and remote,
are designated as uncle's sons and uncle's daughters, and all the descendants of an
aunt as an aunt's soiis and daughters.

Of the third collateral line Dr. Pratt remarks, " that no account is made of these
degrees," which is repeated as to each of its branches. This is a significant state-
ment, as it shows that they are not classified, and thus brought within the near
degrees of relationship, as in the Turanian system ; but are left without the sys-
tem, and to the descriptive method for their designation.

It would seem from the present features of the Osmanli-Turkish system, barren
as it is in its details, that it must have been originally purely descriptive. The
changes that have occurred are limited to the same generalizations which have
been found in those of the Aryan and Semitic families. On the other hand, the
Turanian form does not admit of the description of a solitary kinsman, however
remote in degree he may stand from Ego. Each and all, so far as the connection
can be traced, are brought into one of the recognized relationships for the indica-
tion of which a special term exists. It will be found in the sequel that the
Osmanli-Turkish form separates itself, by a clearly-defined line, from the Turanian
in its fundamental characteristics. The degree of importance which rightfully
attaches to this radical difference will be hereafter considered.

2. Kuzulbasfd. — Our knowledge of this people, and of their proper linguistic
position, is not altogether definite, if they are identical with the Tajicks referred

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 69

to by Dr. Prichard, who speaks of them as " genuine Persians."1 Max Miiller sets
them down as a Turkish nation. The latter remarks : " The northern part of
Persia, west of the Caspian Sea, Armenia, the south of Georgia, Sherwan and
Dagestan, harbor a Turkic population known by the general name of Kisel-batih
(Red Caps). They are nomadic robbers, and their arrival in these countries dates
from the eleventh and twelfth centuries."2

The late Kev. George W. Dunmore, formerly a missionary of the American
Board at Diarbekir, in Turkey, speaks of them in his letter which accompanied
the schedule, as Kuzulbashi-Koords. He remarks, " Not being myself familiar
with the language of the Kuzulbashi, I am indebted [for the filling out of the
schedule] chiefly to an educated native, whose vernacular may be said to be that
of the Kuzulbashi-Koords, among whom he spent his early days. * * * None
of the missionaries, however, know the language of the Kuzulbashi, and all inter-
course with them is through converted Armenians familiar with their language, or
by means of the Turkish, which many of them know."3

There are special terms in this language for grandfather and grandmother, and
for grandchild.

In the first collateral line male, the series is as follows : brother, son of my
brother, grandchild of my brother, and son of grandchild of my brother. There
is a special term for nephew, which is applied by a man to the children of his sis-
ter, and restricted to that relationship.

The Arabic terms for uncle and aunt reappear in the Kuzulbashi language in
apli, ammeh, for those on the father's side, and in kdlleh, a term in common gender,
for those on the mother's. From the presence of these terms it is inferable that
the relationships named were not discriminated among this people until a compara-
tively recent period. The series in the branch of the second collateral line, usually
cited, is the following : paternal uncle, son of paternal uncle, grandchild of paternal
uncle, and son of grandchild of paternal uncle.

In the third collateral line the form is similar, namely : brother of grandfather,
son of brother of grandfather, and grandson of brother of grandfather. The per-
sons in the fourth collateral line, in the several branches, are similarly described.

From these illustrations it is evident that the system of relationship of the Kuzul-
bashi is descriptive. With the exception of the terms borrowed from Arabic
sources, and the term for nephew, applied to a sister's son, it is purely descriptive.
The method of description is such, both in this and in the Osmanli-Turkish, as to
imply the existence of an earlier form substantially identical with the Celtic.

1 " The modern Tajicks, or genuine Persians, called by the Turks Kuzulbashes, are well known as a
remarkably handsome people, with regular features, long oval faces, black, long, and well-marked eye-
brows, and large black eyes." — Prichard's Nat. Hint, of Man, 173, c. f. Latham's Descrip. Eth. II, 191.

2 Science of Language, Lee. VIII. p. 302.

3 I cannot forbear to mention the manner in which this estimable missionary laid down his life.
At the date of his letter (July, 1800) he was at Constantinople, but he returned to his native country
the following year, and in April, 1862, enlisted as a chaplain in the Union army. In August of that
year he fell mortally wounded at Helena, Arkansas, in an engagement in which he participated, and
while defending the place against an assault of the rebel forces. Thus perished, in the prime of life,
a brave, patriotic, and Christian citizen, in the service of his country.

70 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.

The Kuzulbashi closes the series of nations comprised in the Uralian family,
whose system of consanguinity is given in the Table. A comparison of their
several forms shows them to agree in their fundamental characteristics. Upon the
basis of this agreement, but more particularly upon the ground of total variance
between the system of the Turanian family proper and that of the Ugrian and
Turk nations, the Uralian family has been constituted. Although the number of
nations, whose system has been procured, is small in comparison with the number
unrepresented, and for this reason may seem inadequate to establish properly the
foundations of a new family, it will be found, in the sequel, that they are entitled
to an independent position.

The system of consanguinity and affinity of the Aryan and Semitic families, and
of the Uralian, so far as it is given in the Table, is one and the same in general
plan and in fundamental conceptions. In each family, the system, as it now pre-
vails, is in accordance with the nature of descents where marriage subsists between
single pairs, and the family in its proper sense exists. It recognizes the distinction
between the several lines, and the perpetual divergence of those which are col-
lateral from that which is lineal, together with the bond of connection through
ascertainable common ancestors. Advancing a step beyond this, such generaliza-
tions of kindred into classes as it contains, limit the members of each class to
such persons as stand in the same degree of nearness to Ego. These generaliza-
tions are suggested, with more or less distinctness, by the principles of the system
with which they are in harmony, and out of which they rise by natural develop-
ment. In so far as nature may be said to teach this form of consanguinity, the
nations comprised in each of these great families have read her lessons alike. It
is not, however, a necessary inference that the descriptive system springs up spon-
taneously, and consequently that all nations must inevitably gravitate toward this
form ; since it is known that much the largest portion of the human family, numeri-
cally, have a system radically different, the forms of which have stood permanently
for ages upon ages. It is far easier to conceive of the formation of the descriptive
than of the classificatory system ; but when once formed and adopted into use,
each is found to possess, to an extraordinary degree, the power of self-perpetuation.

In the foregoing exposition of the descriptive system of relationship, the utmost
brevity, consistent with an intelligible presentation of the subject, has been sought.
At best it is but a superficial discussion of the materials contained in the Table.
It was necessary to show: first, the nature and principles of the system; secondly,
the ethnic boundaries of its distribution ; and thirdly, the concurrence of these
three great families in its possession. To these propositions the discussion has been
chiefly confined. The bearing which the joint possession of the descriptive system
by these families may have upon the question of their ethnic connection, and
which is believed to be deserving of consideration, is entirely subordinate to
another, and that the main object of this work, to which attention will now be
directed. It is to present the classificatory system of relationship of the American
Indian and Turanian families, to show their identity, and to indicate some of the
conclusions which result therefrom. Having ascertained the nature and limits of
the descriptive system, it will be much easier to understand the classificatory,
although it rests upon conceptions altogether different.

APPENDIX TO PART I.

TABLE OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SEMITIC ARYAN

AND URALIAN FAMILIES.

(71)

APPENDIX TO PART I.

GENEALOGICAL TABLE or THE SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND URALIAN NATIONS, WHOSE SYSTEM or CONSAN-
GUINITY AND AFFINITY is CONTAINED IN THE TABLE HERETO ANNEXED.

Families.

Classes.

Branches.

Peoples.

ARABIC . . j SOUTHERN . . . j g'

Arabic,
Druse and Maronite.

SEMITIC . '

HEBRAIC . . MIDDLE .... 3.

Hebrew.

ARAMAIC . . NORTHERN ... 4.

Neo-Syriac, or Nestorian.

5'

A rtrvtf,nin n

\ [ 6.

ArulvUi&H.

Erse, or Irish,

GAELIC . . . . j i
CELTW . J

I 8"

Gaelic, or Highland Scotch,
Manx.

1 CYMRIC .... 9.

Welsh.

IRANIC 1 0

Persian.

INPIC 11

Sanskrit

f 12.

Danish and Norwegian,

SCANDINAVIAN. . J 13

Icelandic.

I M.

Swedish.

' 15.

Anglo-Saxon,

16.

English,

TEUTONIC. . •

Low GERMAN . . -^ 17.

Holland Dutch,

18.

Belgian.

. 19-

Westphalian, or Platt Dutch.

ARYAN . . '

f Ofl

HIGH GERMAN . •]
(. 21.

German (Prussian),
German (Swiss).

!22.

French,

ROMAIC . . <

23.
24.

Spanish,
Portuguese,

I 25.

Italian.

1 26.

Latin.

( ANCIENT ... 27
HELLENIC .
I MODERN .... 28.

Ancient Greek.
Modern Greek.

' LETTIC , . . 29.

Lithuanian.

30.

Polish,

SLAVONIC . . <

31.

QO

Slovakian, or Bohemian,
Bulgarian,

33.

Bulgarian,

34.

Russian.

TURKIC . . .

f I*5'

Osmanli-Turk,
Kuzulbashi.

I 1 36.

URALIAN . .

QIT

Magyar.

UORIC . . . J f QO
1 FINNIC .

Esthonian,

1 39.

Finn.

10 February, 1869.

( "73 )

APPENDIX.

LIST OP SCHEDULES IN TABLE I.

Nations.

Names of Persons by whom, and places where Schedules were filled.

1. ARABIC . . .

2. DRUSE and

MARONITE

3. HEBREW . .

4. NEO-SYRIAC or

NESTORIAN

5. ARMENIAN

6. ERSE . . .

7. GAELIC.

8. MANX . . .

9. WELSH . . .

10. PERSIAN . .

11. SANSKRIT . .

12. DANISH and

NORWEGIAN

13. ICELANDIC . .

14. SWEDISH . .

15. ANGLO-SAXON

16. ENGLISH . .

17. HOLLAND

DUTCH

18. BELGIAN . .

19. WESTPHALIAN
or PLATT DUTCH

20. GERMAN
(PRUSSIAN)

21. GERMAN

(Swiss)

22. FRENCH . .

23. SPANISH . .

24. PORTUGUESE .

25. ITALIAN . .

26. LATIN . . .

27. CLASSICAL

GREEK

28. MODERN

GREEK

Rev. C. V. A. Van Dyck, D. D., Missionary of the American Board of Com-
missioners for Foreign Missions, Beirut, Syria, May, 1860.
Hon. J. Augustus Johnson, U. S. Consul at Beirut, Syria, May, 1860.

Prof. W. Henry Green, D. D., Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey,

June, 1861.
Austin K. Wright, M. D., Missionary of the American Board above named,

Ooromiah, Persia, July, 1860.
Lewis H. Morgan, with the aid of John D. Artin and James Thomason, native

Armenians, residents of Rochester, N. Y., 1859.
Prof. D. Foley, D. D., Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, March, 1860. Procured

through Hon. Samuel Talbot, U. S. Consul at Dublin.
Rev. Duncan McNab, Glasgow, Scotland, April, 1860, through Hon. George

Tail, U. S. Consul, Glasgow.

John Moore, Esq., Rochester, N. Y., December, 1864.
Evan T. Jones, Esq., Palmyra, Portage Co., Ohio, August, 1861.
Rev. G. W. Coan, D. D., Missionary of the American Board, Ooromiah, Persia,

April, 1863.

1. Prof. W. D. Whitney, Yale College, New Haven, March, 1860.

2. Fitz Edward Hall, D. C. L., Saugor, North India, August, 1861.

Hon. W. De Rasloff, Charge d'Affairs of Denmark in the United States. At

New York, April, 1861.
Prof. Sigwrdsson, Copenhagen, Denmark, May, 1862, through Prof. C. C. Raffn,

Secretary of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquarians, Copenhagen.
Edward Count Piper, Minister Resident of Sweden in the United States,

Washington, February, 1864.
Compiled from Bosworth's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, from Orosius and other

sources.

Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y.
Gerard Arink, M. D., Rochester, N. Y., January, 1861.

Rev. P. J. De Smet, S. J. St. Louis, Missouri, June, 1862.

Lewis H. Morgan, with the aid of M. Wischemier, Rochester, N. Y., April,

1862.
Joseph Felix, Esq., Rochester, N. Y., May, 1860.

C. Hunziker, Attorney at Law, Berne, Switzerland. Prepared at the request of
the Hon. Theodore S. Fay, U. S. Minister Resident at Berne, March, 1860.

Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y.

The Counsellor Senhor Miguel Maria Lisboa, Minister Plenipotentiary of Brazil
in the United States. Washington, December, 1862.

The Counsellor Senhor M. M. Lisboa, above named. December, 1862.

Lewis H. Morgan, Rochester, N. Y.

Glossary of Later and Byzantine Greek, by Prof. E. A. Sophocles. Memoirs
Am. Acad. N. S., vol. vii. Article

APPENDIX.

75

LIST OF SCHEDULES IN TABLE I. — Continued.

Nations.

Names of Persons by whom, and places where Schedules were filled.

29. LITHUANIAN .

30. POLISH . . .

31. SLOVAKIAN or

BOHEMIAN

32. BULGARIAN .

33. BULGARIAN .

34. RUSSIAN . .

35. OSMANLI-

TURK

36. KUZULBASHI .

37. MAGYAR

38. ESTHONIAN .

39. FINN

Prof. Francis Bopp, Berlin, Prussia, April, 1860. Procured through Hon.

Joseph A. Wright, U. S. Minister Resident in Prussia.
Augustus Plinta, Esq , Civil Engineer, Albany, N. Y., January, 1861.
Prof. Kanya, Pesth, Hungary, ^February, 1861. Procured through Hon. J.

Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister Plenipotentiary in Austria. Vienna.
Rev. Elias Riggs, D. D., Missionary of the American Board at Constantinople,

Turkish Empire, February, 1862.
Rev. Charles F. Morse, Missionary of same Board, Sophia, Turkey, January,

1863.

By a Russian gentleman.
Rev. Andrew T. Pratt, Missionary of the American Board, Aleppo, Syria,

August, 1860.

Rev. George W. Dunmore, Missionary of the same Board, at Kharpoot, Turk-
ish Empire. July, 18CO.
Prof. Paul Hunfalvy, Member of the Hungarian Academy, Pesth, Hungary,

January, 1861. Procured through Hon. J. Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister

Plenipotentiary in Austria.
Hon. Charles A. Leas, U. S. Consul Revel, Russia, February, 1861.

1. G. Seliu, Student of the Physico-Mathematical Faculty in the University of
Helsingfors, Russia, April, 1860. Prepared at the request of President A.
Retzius, President of the Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, Sweden.

2. Urjo Koskinen, Prof, in the University of Jacobstad, Finland, September,
1860. Procured through Hon. B. F. Angel, U. S. Minister Resident in
Sweden.

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.

TABLE I. — SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.

Families.

Classes.

Branches.

Dialects.

Author of Schedule.

Pronoun Mj

SEMITIC .

ARABIC .
UFBRAIC

< Southern . .
Middle

I i

3

Arabic
Druse and Maronite . . .
Hebrew

C. V. A. Van Dyck, D.D. .
Hon. J. A. Johnson . . .
Prof. W. Henry Green .

Suffix i.
" i.
" i.

ARAMAIC .

Northern . .

4
5

Neo-Syriac or Nestorian . .
Armenian

Austin H. Wright, M.D. . .
John De Artin (Native Arm )

" e.
Im

r

f 6

Erse or Irish

D. Foley, D. D

Mo.

CELTIC . <

Gadhelic . . -

!

Gaelic or Highland Scottish,
Manx

Rev. Duncan McNab . . .
John Moore

Mo.
My.

Cymric

9

Welsh

Evan T. Jones Esq

Fy.

10

Rev George W Coan D D

Suffix am

INDIC

11

Sanskrit

(Prof. W. D. Whitney | „„

Mama

Sciindiiitiviiui •<

12
13

Danish and Norwegian . .
Icelandic

(FitzEd. Hall, D.C.L.j
Hon. W. Raasloff ....

Prof. I. Sigwrdson

Post im!nn \
(mm (

„ 1 mini J

14

Swedish

Edward Count Piper .

^niin (
Min.

" 15

Anglo-Saxon

Lewis H. Morgan ....

16

English

it u it

My

TECTONIC . •<

17

Holland Dutch

Gerard Arink, M. D. .

( My ( m

Low German. •<

18

Father P J De Srnet S J

(Myne (fe
< Myn ( m

19

Platt-Deutsh

Lewis H. Morgan .

( Myuen ( fe
(Me (n

20

German

Joseph Felix Esq .

( Mene ( fe
J Mein in

LRYAN . •

High German -

»

German-Swiss

Herr C. Hunziker ....

| Meine fe
( Mein IE

i •
' 22

French

Lewis TT. Morgan ....

] Meine fe
JMon re

23

Spanish

Senhor Miguel Maria Lisboa

|Ma fe
Mi

Modern . . -

24

Portuguese.

it tt ti tt

( Min ( n

ROMAIC . -

25

Italian

Prof. Paul Marzolo

(Mia jf(
(Mio (ir

26

Latin

Lewis H. Morgan ....

jMia (fe
j Meus ( m

Ancient

27

Classical Greek

a u it

(Mea (fe
(Emos f ra

HELLENIC -

Modern .

28

Modern Greek

Glossary of Prof. Sophocles .

(Erne { fe

Lettic . . .

29

Lithuanian ....

Prof. F Bopp

' 30

Polish

Augusta Plinta, Esq. .

( Moj f m

31

Slovakian or Bohemian .

Prof. Kanya

(Moja (fe
{Moj } m

SLAVONIC . <

Moja ( fe

32

Bulgarian

Elias Riggs, D. D

Post mi.

33

Bulgarian

Rev. Charles F. Morse .

" mi.

34

Russian

By a Russian

( Moi ( m

•

f 35

Osmanli-Turk

Rev. Andrew T. Pratt . .

(Maja (fe
Suffix m.

TURKIC

i 36

Kuzulbashe

Rev. George W. Dunmore .

Post mu

37

Magyar

Prof Paul Hunfalvy

Suffix m

JRALIAN •<

f 38

Estboniau ... . .

Hon. Chas. A. Leas . .

Minn.

UGRIC . .

Finnic . . . -

\
) 39

Finn

(Dr. Urio Koskinen') „ r, ,

Suffix ni.

(

(Mr. G. Selm j

NOTATION IN TABLE I.

VOWEL SOUNDS.

a as a in ale. o as o in tone.

a " " " father. 6 " " " got.
a " " " at. u " 11 " unit.

e " e " mete. u " oo " food.

g u u u mek fe and o in Greek

i " i " ice. (are long e and o.
I " " " it.

The literary languages represented in the Table, with two or three exceptions,
have their own diacritical marks.

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.

79

TABLE I. — SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SEMITIC, ARYAN, AND UBALIAN FAMILIES.

1. Great-grandfather's great-grandfather.

Translation.

2. Great-grandfather's grandfather.

Translation.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

S

9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36.
37
38
39

Jidd jidd jiddi...
Jadd jadd jaddi .

Sawuna d'sawua d'sawunee

Tip tip tip olde fader.,

Farfars farfars farfar

Eald eald eald eald eald faeder ...
Gt. grandfather's gt. grandfather..
Over over over oud groot vader. ...
Groot groot groot groot groot vader

Antke vader's antke vader

Urururur grossvater

Urnrumrgrossvater

L'a'ieul de 1'a'ieul de mon ai'eul. ...

Tritavus....
Tripappos ..
Trispappos .

Moj prapraprapra dziadek.,

Moi prapraprapradjed .

Grandfather of g. f. of g. f. my.

Bavkaleh bavkaleh bavkaleh mun

Great gd. father's gt. gd. father.

Grandfather's grandfather's grandfather
Gt. gd. father's gt. gd. father.

Gt. gt. gt. gt. grandfather.

(( u ft

The grandfather of the gd. f. of my g. f.

Great grandfather's great grandfather,
(i it a ft

n n a ti

My great gt. gt. gt. grandfather.

My great gt. gt. gt. grandfather.
Grandfather of g. f. of g. f. my.

Jidd jidd abi...
Jadd jadd abi .

Sawuna d'sawunii d'babee .

Tip tip oldefader.,

Farfars farfars far

Eald eald eald eald faeder

Great grandfather's grandfather

Over over oud groot vader

Groot groot groot groot vader....

Antke vader's bess vader

Ururur grossvater

Urururgrossvater

La pere de 1'a'ieul de mon a'ieul.

Atavus

Dispappos .
Dispappos..

Moj praprapra dziadek .

Moi praprapradjed

Bavkaleh bavkaleh baveh mun.

Grandfather of g. f. of father my.

Great grandfather's grandfather.

Grandfather's grandfather's father.
Gt. grandfather's grandfather

Great gt. gt. grandfather,
it a a

The father of the g. f. of my g. f.

Great grandfather's grandfather.
K it it

it tt it

My great gt. gt. grandfather.

My great gt. gt. grandfather.
Grandfather of g. f. of father my.

3. Great grandfather's father.

Translation.

4. Great grandfather's mother.

Translation.

Ill
11
12
13
14
15
Hi
17
IS
19
20
21
22

2-;

24
2f>
-i
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
33
29

Jidd jiddi.,
Jad jaddi..,

Sawuna d'sawunee

Metzhorus metzliorii hira.

Shan ahair mahar

Mo shin sin seanair

Fy ngororhendad ,

Vriddhaprapitamahah1

Tip oldefader

Langalangafi minn

Farfars farfar

Kald eald eald faeder

Great-grandfather's father.

Over oud groot vader

Groot groot groot vader

Autke vaders vader

Ururgrossvater

Ururgrossvater

Mou trisa'ieul

Tatarabuelo

Tataravo

Aba vug

Epipappos .
Apopappos .

Moj prapra dziadek .

Muj prapraded

Prepredyed

Preprededa

Moi prapradjed

Bavkaleh Bavkaleh mun.

Grandfather of grandfather my.

Grandfather of grandfather my.

u tt tt tt

I The old father of my father.
My great grandfather's father.

My great great grandfather.
Great great grandfather.

" " " my.

Grandfather's grandfather.
Great grandfather's father.

u tt tt

Great great grandfather.
it t( (t

My great great grandfather.

(( U tt ft

Great great grandfather.
Great great grandfather.

it u

My great great grandfather.

Grandfather of grandfather my.

Sitt sitti.
Sitt sitti.

Nana d'nanee

Metzmorus metziuora mira

Sliau vahair mahar

Mo shin sin sear mhathair

Fy Ngororhenfam.

Vriddhaprapit&mahi

Tip oldemoder

Langalangamma inin

Farfars mormor

Eald eald eald modor

Great grandfather's mother.

Over ond groot moeder

Groot groot groot moeder ....

Antke vader's mohder

Ururgrossmutter

Ururgrossmutter

Ma trisai'eule

Tatarabuela

Tataravo

Abavia . .
Epitethe .
Apomme.

Moj a praprababka.

Ma praprababa

1'reprebaba mi

Preprebaba mi

Moja praprababka.

Dapeei eh dapeerch mun.

Grandmother of grandmother iny.

Grandmother of grandmother my.

tt tt tt tt

The old mother of my father.
My great grandfather's mother.

My gt. gt. grandfather's mother
Great grandfather's mother.

" " " my.

Grandfather's grandmother.
Great grand father's mother.

Great great grandmother.

it it tt

My great great grandmother.

tt ti it ti

Great grandfather's mother.

Great great grandmother,
tt ti u

tt tt (i

My great great grandmother.

ft U ft ft

Great great grandmother my.

tt tt

tt tt

Grandmother of grandmother my.

1 The Sanskrit terms are in the nominative case. " Mama," my is omitted.

80

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

fl. Greatgrandfather.

Translation.

6. Great grandmother.

Translation.

I

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Jidd abi

Grandfather of father my.

(1 ft U ft

u n it tt

ft li 11 if

Father of my old father.
My ancestral old father.
My old ancestor.
My great grandfather.

it U tt

Great grandfather.
Great grandfather my.

a it tt

Great grandfather,
tt

u
<t
a
H

a t

My great grandfather.

it tt u

Great grandfather.

ft it

n ft
a ft
t( tt

My great grandfather.

tt « tt

Great grandfather my.

tt tt it

My great grandfather.
My grandfather's father.

Grandfather of father my.

tt tt tt tt

My father's father's father.

Sitt abi

Grandmother of father my.

it tt tt

ft tt tt

tt ti ti

My old father's mother.
My ancestral old mother.
Mother of mother of my mother.
My great grandmother.

li Cl f(

Great grandmother.

Great grandmother my.
tt tt a

Great grandmother.

tt

ft
tt
u
tt
u tt
My great grandmother.

if it ft

Great grandmother.

tf tt

it tt

it ti
it n

My great grandmother.

tt tt tt

Great grandmother my.
ft tt tt

My great grandmother.
My grandmother's mother.
Grandmother of father my.
Grandfather's mother my.
My mother's mother's mother.

Jad abi

Sitt abi

Sawfina d' bab&

Langamma minn. b Edda min

Over groot moeder

Grossgrossmutter

Moj a prababka

DSdfimin babazfi

Baveh bavkaleh mun

Ded anyain

Miuu ema ema emu.

7. Grandfather.

Translation.

8. Grandmother.

Translation.

1
2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Jlddi

Grandfather ray.
tt d

u ti
u it

My old father.

a it tt

Father of my father.
My grandfather.
Father elder.
Grandfather.

" my

u
tt
ft

ft
ft
H

M
tt

My grandfather.

n tt

Grandfather,
tt

H
tt
tt
tt

My grandfather.

tt tt

Grandfather my.
tt tt

My grandfather.
Grandfather my.

tt tt

Old father my.
My father's father.
Father of fath. my. b Father my great.

J-Mtti '

Grandmother my.
tt ti

tt tt
c( tt

My old mother.

it tt tt

Mother of my mother.
My grandmother.
Mother elder.

Grandmother.
ft

Grandmother my.
Grandmother.

!

My grandmother.
" "
Grandmother.

::

:

My grandmother.

u d

Grandmother my.

it it

My grandmother.

Grandmother my.

ii i<

Old mother my.
My mother's mother.
Great mother my.

J&ddi

Sitti. b Judatti

Nanee

Metz mire

Mo han ahair. b Mohair ereeno...

Mo han vahair

Moir my moir. b Woavey

Amina min

GTossmutter

Mon aieule. b Ma grand'mere..

Ava

Tethe ..

Mauo Senute

Moj dziad. b Dziadek dziadnnio..
Muj ded

Moja babka. b Babunia

Baba my

Oreg anyam

Minu ema ema

Tso isani b Tsani is&

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

81

TABLE I. — Continued.

9. Father.

Translation.

10. Mother.

Translation.

I

2
3
4

5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
•24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

;\bi .

Father my.
ti «

tt ti
(< «
<t it

My father.
K tt
it tt
tt tt

Father.

K
H

Father ray.

Father,
(i

II

it

Father my.
Father.

H

a

My father.

u «t

Father.
u

H

ft
It

My father.

tt tf
fi tt

Father my.

K tt

My father.
Father my.
u tt

ft U

My father.
Father my.

Mother my.
tt ft
ft tc
tt tt
n it

My mother.

tt ft

U tf

tt tt

Mother.
tt
tt
Mother my.

Mother.

tt

t(
it
Mother my.

Mother.

tt

ft

My mother.
Mother,
ft
tt
ft
it
tt

My mother.
ft tt
ti tt

Mother my.
tt tt

My mother.
Mother my.
tt it
ft tt
My mother.
Mother my.

Abi

.Abhi / .. .

Babee

Hire

M'athalr

Madar

Pit& b Janitar ....

Fader

Vater

Mutter

Vater

Mon pere

Ma mere....

Pae

Moe

Padre

Pater

Pater

Pater

Moj ojoiec. b Rodzioiet

Moja matka. b Rodzicietka ....

Otetg. b Baghtami

Biiba-m

Minu esa

Tsani

Aitiul b Emoni

.»

11. Sin.

Translation.

12. Daughter.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
21)
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibni

Son my.
it tt
tt tt
tt <t
it tf
My son.

tt a
tl tt
ft ft

Son.

tf

u
Son my.

Son.

it

<t

H

ft
ft
If
ft

My son

Son.

H

fl

H
H
It

My son.

tt «t
u tt

Son my.

tt tt

My son.
Son my.
tt tt
« tt

My son.
Boy my.

Ibneti b Binti

Daughter my.
tt tt
ft tt
tt tt
ti tt

My daughter.

tt tt

tf tt
tt tt

Daughter.

tt
ii

Daughter my.

Daughter.

tt

it
ft
ft
tt

tf
it

My daughter.

tt ti

Daughter.

tc
tf
ft
ft

My daughter.

tt tt

u ft

Daughter my.

tt tt

My daughter.
Daughter, my girl,
it tt
u tt
My daughter.
Daughter iny.

Ibni

B'nl

Bitti

Bratee

Tooster

Mo mh£c

Poosar

Dftkhtar

Putrih. bSiiuuh. ° Sutah

Putrfi, b Suta c Duhiti

Son

Datter

Sou

Dotter •• ••

Son

Sohn

Mon flls

Ma fille

Hijo

Hija

Kilho

p'ilha

Filins

Filia

Huios

Huios

Mano sunns

Moj syn

Muj syu

Sin mi

Sin mi

Moi sin. b Syn

<'glil-um

Kfis-um

Fia-m

Minu Poeg

Polkanl

TyttSLreiii

11

November, I860.

82

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

13. Grandson (common term).

Translation.

14. Grandson (descriptive phrase).

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
Id
17
18
19
20
21
22
2(
24
25
2tf
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3o
37
38
39

Son of son my.

II U It

u u ti

Grandson my
Grandson.
Son of my son.
My grandchild.
Son of my son.
My grandson.
Grandchild.
Grandson.

M

Son's son my.
u it

Grandson.
Grandson. b Nephew.

It

Grandchild.
Grandson.
u

My grandson.

Grandson.
it

Grandchild.

Grandson.

tt

tt

Son of my son.
My grandson.

14 tt

Grandson my.

tt tt

My grandson.

Grandchild my.

tt tt

Son of my son.
My son's son.
Son's son. b Daughter's son.

Ibn ibneti

Son of daughter my.
it it it u

it it it if
Grandson my.
My daughter's son.
Sou of my daughter.
Grandchild.
Sou of my daughter.
My grandson.
Grandchild.

Son's son. b Daughter's son.
u it it it

Daughter's son and son's son my.
Son's son, daughter's son.
Grandson.

it

Son's son. b Daughter's son.
Son's son. b Daughter's sou.
Grandchild.

Son's son. b Daughter's son.
it it it

My grandson.

ti u

Grandson.
Grandchild.
Grandson.
Son's son. b Daughter's son.
Grandson.
Daughter's son.
My grandson.
it tt

Grandson my.

tt ti

My grandson.

Grandchild my.
Son of my daughter.
My daughter's son.

Ilm ibui. b Hafidi

Ibn binti

Bfin b'ni

BBn bittl

Tor

Toostris voretin

Mac mo ineean

Mac my inneen

Fy wyr

Navadii,

Navada

Pautrah. b Dauhitrah ...

Dottur sonr. b Sonar sonr inin
sonsou. b Dotttersou

Sonson

Nefa

Grandson

Son's son. b Daui;hter's son....
Zoon's zoon. b Dot-liter's zoon .
Zoon's zoon. b Dochter's zoon.

Enkel

Sohn's sohn. b Tochter sohn...
Sohn's sohn. b Tochter sohn...

Enket

Nieto

Nieto

Neto

Neto ..

Nipote

Vnuk mi

Vnook mi

Moi vntik

TorGn-flm

TOrneh mnn

Fiam fija

Minn poeg poeg

Polkaui polka. * Tyttareul poika

15. Granddaughter (common term).

Tranalation.

16. Granddaughter (Descriptive phrase).

Translation.

1
2
3

4
5
6
1

8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibnet ibni

Daughter of son my.

tt n tt

tt tt tt

My granddaughter.
Son's daughter.
Daughter of my son.
My grandchild.
Daughter of my son.
My granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Son's daughter my.
Daughter's daughter.

Granddaughter.

tt

Little daughter. b Niece.
Granddaughter.
Grandchild.

Granddaughter.

tt

My granddaughter,
tt tt

Granddaughter.
Grandchild.

Granddaughter.

tt

it
Son's daughter.

My granddaughter.

it it

Granddaughter my.

tf tt

My granddaughter.
Grandchild my.
tt it

Daughter of my son.
My daughter's daughter.
Son's daughter. b Daughter's daughter.

Ibn binf

Daughter of daughter my.
it it it tt

tt tt it ft
My granddaughter.

Daughter of ruy daughter.

ti it ft

My grandchild.
Daughter of daughter.
My granddaughter.
Grandchild.

Sou's daughter. b Daught. 's daugh.

ft u u u

Daughter's daughter my.
Sou's daughter, daughter's daugh.

Granddaughter,
it

Son's daughter. b Danght.'s daugh.

it it u u

Grandchild.

bun's daughter. b Daughter's child.

it it ii u

My granddaughter,
u ii

Granddaughter.
Grandchild.
Grand daughter.
Son's daughter. b Daught. "s dangh.
Granddaughter.
Daughter's dau-hter.

My grauddaughter.
u u

Granddaughter my.
ti u

My granddaughter.

Grandchild my.
Daughter of my daughter.
My son's daughter.

Bint ibni

Bathb:nl

Bath bittl

Narrigtee

Voretees tooster „

Ineean mo vio

M'ogha

Inneeu my vac

, & .

Fy wyres

Navada

Navada

Naptrf

Pautri b Dauhitri

Sonnedatter. b Datterdatter ...

Sonar dottir minn

Dotter dotter

Son's dotter. b Dotter dotter...

Nefane

Granddaughter

Son'sdaught. b Daught. daught.
Zhou's dochter. b Dochter's doch.
Zoou's dochter. b Dochter's doch.

Klein dochter. b Nicht

Kinds kind

Sohn's tochter. b Tochter kind
Sohn's tochter. b Tochter kiud
Ma petite-fille
Nieta
Neta

Enkeliu

Ma petite-fille
Nieta
Neta

Neptis
Eggone
EggonS

Nipote
Neptis
Huione. b Thugatride
Eggono ;.

Moja wnuczka
Ma wuucka
Viiuka mi

Dukters dukter
Moj wuuczka
Ma wuucka

Vnooka mi
Moja vnutcbka
Torfln-utn

Vnooka mi
Maja vuutchka

TOrneemun

Tdruee mnn

Miiiu tutiirtutiir

Leanyon lanya

PoikanI tytar. b TyttarenT tytar..

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

83

TABLE I. — Continued.

17. Great-grandson.

Translation.

18. Great-granddaughter.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22

•H

24
25
26

27
28
2!)
30
31
32
33
34
35
38
37
38
39

Ibnibnilmi

Son of son of son my.

it it it ii

Descendants of the third generation.
Great grandson my.
Son's son's son.
The son of the son of my son.
My great grandchild.
Son of son of my son.
My great grandson.
Great grandchild.
Great grandson.
Great grandchild.
Sou's son's son my.
ii it ii

Great grandson.
After little son. b Nephew.
Great grandson.
" grandchild.
" grandson.
ii ii

My great grandson.
Great grandson,
i it

' grandchild.

' grandson,
i ii

i ii

My great grandson,
ii ii ii

Great grandson my.
ii it ii

My " "
Grandchild of my child.
Son of grandchild my.

My son's son's son.
My son's sou's son. Daughter's daugh-
ter's son.

Daught. of daught. of danght. my.
ii ii ii it

Descendants of third generation.
Great granddaughter my.
Daughter's daughter's daughter.
The daughter of the son of my son.
My great grandchild.
Daught. of daught. of my daught.
My great granddaughter.
Great grandchild.
Great granddaughter.
" grandchild.

Daughter's daughter daughter my.

it it tt ii

Great granddanahter.
After little daughter. Niece.
Great granddaughter.
Child's child's child.

Great granddaughter,
it ii

My great granddaughter.

it ii ii

Great granddaughter.
" grandchild.

" granddaughter,
it ii

ii ii

My great granddaughter.

Great granddaughter my.
ii it ii

My " "
Grandchild of my child.
Daughter of grandchild my.

My daughter's daughter's daughter.
The son's daughter of my son. The
daughter's daught. of my daught.

Slulleshim

Natigta

Voretees voretein voretiu

Niitija

Pratnaptar. b Prapautrah

Barnebarn's l>aru

Sou's sou's son

Aihter klein douhter. b Nicht.

Kinds kiucls kind

Mon arrit re petit fils

Secundo Nipote

Trite^gonos. b Apeggonos

Mnj prawn ilk

Miij Prawnuk

Prevnook tin

Torunumun

Laveh tOrueh uiun

Polkani poian polka. b Tyttareui
tyttaren poika

Polkani poian tytar. b Tyttareni
tyttareu tytar

19. Great-grandson's son.

Translation.

20. Great-grandson's daughter.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22

2:;

24
25
2(1
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
86
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn ibni

Son of son of son of son my.

ii it ii it ii

Descendants of the fourth generation.
Grandson of grandson my.
Sou's son's son's son.
The son of the son of the son of my son.
My great great grand child.
Son of son of son of my son.
My great great grandson.
Great great grandchild.
Great great grandson.
Grand child's grand child.
Son's son's son's son my.
it it ii it it

Great grandson's son.
After little sou's son. b Nephew.
Great great grandson.
Child's child's child's child.
Great great grandson,
ii it ii

Third grandson.
Great great grandson.
" " grandchild.

" " grandson,
ii ii ii

it ii ii

My great great grandson,
ii ii ii ii

Great great grandson my.
ii ii ii it

My great great grandson my.
Grandchild of my grandchild.
Grandchild of grandchild my.

The grandson of my grandson.

Bint bint bint binti

Daughter, of dt. of dt. of dt. my.
ii ii ii ii

Descendants of fourth generation.
Grand daught. of g daught. my.
Daught. 's daught. 's daught. 'a dt.
The dt. of son of son of my sou.
My great great grandchild.
Dt. of dt. of dt. of my daughter.
My great great granddaughter.
Great great grandchild.
Great great granddaughter.
Grandchild's grandchild.
Daught. 's dt. dt. dt. my.
it ii it ii

Great grandson's daughter.
After little son's little dt. b Nephew.
Great great granddaughter.
Child's child's child's' child.
Great great granddaughter,
ii ii ti

Third granddau '-liter.
Great great granddaughter.
" " grandchild.
" " granddaughter,
ii ii ii
ii it ii

My great great granddaughter,
ii ii ti it

Great great granddaughter my.
ii ii u

My " "

Grandchild of my grandchild.
Grandchild of grandchild my.

[of my son.
The daughter of the sou of the »on

Rlbbeiui

Ribbeim

Voretees voretein voretein voretin.

Toostris toostrin toostrin toostra.

M'' ' h

Inneeninneen inneennyinneen.

Barnebarns barnebarn

Sonar sonar sonar sonr ininn

Dottur dottur dottur dottir rain.
Dotters dotters dotter dotter

Gt. grandson's daught. [b Neef.
Achter klein zoon's klein docht.
Groote groote groote dochter ....

Achter klein zoon's zoon. b Neef.

Kinds kinds kinds kind

g

Tataraneto

Abnepoa

Tetartos apogonos

Muj praprawnuk

Preprevmik mi

Veprevnook mi

Moi prapravnuk

Toruniimiin toriinii

Polkani poTan poian tytar

84

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

I

10

11

12
13
14
15
14
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

21. Great-grandson's grandson.

Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibni.
Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibui.

Nateja d'nawigee

Voretees voretein vn. vn. voretin..

Mio mic mio inio mo vie

M'iar iar iar ogha

Mac vac vac vac my vac

Fy orororwyr

NabirS,

Barnebarns barnebarns barn

Sonar sonar sonar sonar sonr minn.
Sons son sons son sou

Great grandson's grandson

Achter klein zoons k. z. b Neef..

Groot groot groot groot zoon

Kinds kinds kinder

Ururgrossenkel -

Urargrosseuk«l

Cnarto nieto

Cuarto neto

Quarto nipote

Atnepos

Pemptos apogonos f .
Diseggonos ,

Moj prapraprawntik.
Muj prapraprawnnk.
Prepreprevuuk tni,...

Lftveh tOrneh torneh mun.

Translation.

Son of son of son of son of son my.

Great grandson of grandson my.
Son's son's sou's sou's son.
The son's son of the son's son of my son
My great grandchild's grandchild.
Son of son of son of son of my son.
My great grandson's grandson.
Great great great grandchild.

Great grandson's grandchild.
Son's son's son's son's son my.

Great grandson's grandson.

After little son's little sou. b Nephew.

Great great great grandson.

" " " grandchild.

" " " grandson.

Fourth grandson,
ft tt

It tl

Great grandson's grandson.

ti tt it

it it it

My great great great graudson.
it tt it tt tt

Great great great grandson my.
Son of grandchild of grandchild my.

22. Great-grandson's granddaughter.

Bint bint bint bint binti.
Biiit bint bint bint binti.

Nawigta d'nawigtee

Toostris toostrin t. t. toostra....

Ineean mic mic mic mo vie

M'iar iar iar ogha

Inneeu in. in. in. my inneen ...

Fy orororwyres

Nabira

Barnebarns barnebarn barn

Dotturd. d. d. dottirmin

Dotters dotters dotter dotter

Gt. grandson's g. d. [b Nicht.
Achter klein zoons kn. dochter.

Groote g. g. g. dochter

Kinds kinds kinder

Ururgrossenkelinn

Ururgrossenkelin

Cuarta nieta

Cuarta neta

Quarta nipote....

Atneptis

Pempte eggone?.
Diseggone

Moja prapraprawnficzka.

Ma prapraprawnucka

Prepreprevnuka mi

Keeza t8rneh tOrneh mun.

Translation.

D. of d. of d. of d. of daughter my

Gt. gd. daughter of grandson my.
Daughter's d. d. d. d.
The d. of the son's s. of my son's s
My great grandchild's grandchild.

if (f ft 41

My gt. grandson's granddaughter.
Great great great grandchild.

Great grandson's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. d. d. my.

Gt. grandson's granddaughter.
After little son's little d. b Niece.
Great great great granddaughter.

" " " grandchild.

" " " granddaughter.

Fourth granddaughter,
tt tt

(t ft

Great grandson's granddaughter,
tt tt ft

<t tt it

My gt. gt. gt. granddaughter.

ft ft tt tt

Gt. gt. gt. granddaughter my.
Daughter of g. child of g. child my.

23. Great grandson's great grandson.

Translation.

24. Great grandson's g't granddaughter.

Translation.

1

2
a
4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibu ibn ibn ibni.
Ibn ibn ibn ibn ibn ibni.

Nateja d' natejee

Voretees voretein v. v. v. voretin.

Mac mic mic mic mic movie

M'iar iar iar iar ogha

Mac vac vac vac vao my vac

Fy ororororwyr

Baruebams barnebarns barnebarn
Sonar sonar sonar s. a. sonr minn
Sonson sousou sonson

Great grandson's great grandson...
Achter klein zoons a. k. z. b Neef
Groot groot groot groot groot zoon

Kinds kinds kinds kinder

Ururururenkel

Grossenkels grosseukel

Cninto Nieto

Cuiuto Neto ,

Quinto Nipote

Trinepos

Hektos Apogonos .
Triseggonos

Moj praprapraprawnuk .
MQj praprapraprawnuk .
Preprepreprevnuk mi....

Torneh tSrneh tBrneh mun .

Son of son of s. of s. of s. of s. my.

Great grandson of great grandson my.

Son's son's son's sou's son's son.

The son's son of s. of s. of s. of my s.

My great grandchild's great grandchild,
tt tt tt tt tt

My great grandson's great grandson.

Great grandchild's great grandchild.
Sou's sou's son's sou's son's son my.

Great grandson's great grandson.

" grandson's neph.
Great great great great grandson.

" " " grandchild.

Great great great great grandson.
Great grandson's great grandson.

Fifth grandson,
tt »

it tt

Great grandson's great grandson.
it it tf ti

ft ft it it

My great great great great grandson."
ft ft tt it tt tt

Great great great great grandson my.
Grandchild of grandchild of g. c. my.

Bint bint bint bint bint binti....

D. of d. of d. of d. of d. of d. my.

Natejta d' natejee Great granddaughter of g. grandson,

Toostris toostrin t. t. t. toostra.. Daughter d. d. d. d. daughter.

Ineean mic mic mic mic mo vie

M'iar iar iar iar ogha

Inueen in. in. in. in. my in

Fy ororororwyres

[barn.

Barnebarns tnrnebarns barue-

Dottnr d. d. d. d. dottir rnin....

Dotter' dotter's dotter's dotter's

[dotter dotter.

G't granddau's g't granddanglit.
A. k. zoons a. k. dochter. b Nicht
Groote g. g. g. groote dochter....

Kinks kinds kinds kinder

Ururururenkelinn

Grossenkelins grossenkelin

Cninta nieta...
Cuinta neta —
Quinta Nipote.

Trineptis

Hehte eggone..
Triseggone

Moja praprapraprnwrmrzka

Ma praprapraprawnuk a

Preprepreprevnuka mi

Torneh tSrneh torneh mun.

The d. of son's s. of s. s. of my s.

My gt. grandchild's gt. grandchild,

ti it it it tt

My gt. grandson's gt. granddaugh.

Gt. grandchild's gt. grandchild.

Daughter's d. d. d. d. daughter my.
tt tt tt tt

Gt. grandson's gt. granddaughter.

" " " " niece.

Gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter.

" " " grandchild.

" " " granddaughter.
Gt. granddaughter's gt. gd. daugh.

Fifth granddaughter.
1 1 ti

tt it

Gt. grandson's gt. granddaughter,
u ti it it

tt ft ti u

My gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter,
tt it tt it

Gt. gt. gt. gt. granddaughter my.
Grandchild of g. c. of g. o. my.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

85

TABLE I. — Continued.

25. Elder brother.

Translation.

26. Younger brother.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Brother my older than me.
Brother my the greatest.
Brother my great from me.
Brother my the greater.
My hrother.
My brother the eldest,
tt (t u

ti it ft

ft If ft

Brother elder.

Elder brother.
tt it
tt a
tt it

tt tt

tt tt
it tt
tt tt
u u
tt u

My elder brother.

Brother the elder.
Elder brother.

My elder brother.

K ft tt

Brother.
Elder brother.
My elder brother.
Brother my. b Womb companion.
Brother my the elder.
Elder brother my.
My old brother.
Elder brother my.

Brother my younger than me.
Brother my the smallest.
Brother my small from me.
Brother my the younger.
My hrother.
My brother the younger.

(f It U
tt (f U

ft tt ((

Younger brother.

tt tt
t< it
tt tt

tt u
tt tt
tt tt
t< <t
it tf
tt tt
My younger brother.

Brother the younger.
Younger brother.
A little brother.

My younger brother.
tt ff tt

Brother.
Younger brother.
My younger brother.
Brother my. b Womb companion.
Brother my the younger.
Younger brother my.
My young brother.
Rounger brother my.

Akhi il akbar

Bradar buzurk ..

Oldre broder

Audste broeder

Mon aim:

Brat

Brat

Bave. b Nane

Moi starshi brat

Bra mua e tnSzun

Batyam

Minu vanem vend

Vau herupl veljeuT

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

27. Elder sister.

Translation.

28. Younger sister.

Translation.

Sister my older than me.
Sister my the greatest.
Sister my great from me.
Sister my the greater.
My sister.

My sister the eldest.

it tt tt <t

ti tt n it

My sister the elder.
Sister elder.

Elder sister,
tt tt
tt it
tt it

tt tt

it tt
it it
<t <t
tt tt
tt t<

My elder sister.

Sister the elder.
Elder sister.

My elder sister,
tt tt tt

Sister.
Elder sister.
My elder sister.
Sister my. b Girl womb companion.
Sister my the elder.
Elder sister my.
My elder sister.
Elder sister my.

Sister my younger than me.
Sister my the smallest.
Sister my small from me.
Sister my the small.

My sister.

My sister the younger.

f< it tt tt
ft ft tt tt
tt tt ft u

Younger sister.
t< it

tt ft
ft tt

tt tt
tt (t
tf it
tt tt
tt it
tt tf
My younger sister.

Sister the younger.
Younger sister.

My younger sister,
tt it tt

Sister.
Younger sister.
My yoxinger sister.
Sister my. b Girl womb companion.
Sister my the younger.
Younger sister my.
My young sister.
Younger sister my.

Akhti il kubra

ft Khothi hakkitanna mtmm&nni..
Khatee Siirta

a Khothi hagg'dhol.i mluiraennl...

Kooere

Mo yrilfur as shune ...."

Mo plriuthar as sinne......

My shuyr shinnay

Fy chwaer henaf.

Hahiir buzurk

Agrajri

Uldre stister

Eldri systir

Aldre syster

Elder sister

Auiiste zuster

Vredste sister

Oelste sister

Aeltere schwester

Mon ainfie

Ma cadette b Puinee

Sorella maggoire

Soror Major

Moja starsza siostra

Ma starsa sestra

Sestra

Kaka

Kus kiirndarih-um

Khooshkeh inun eh puchook

Nenein

86

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

29. Brothers."

Translation.

30. Sisters.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3li
37
38
39

Brothers my.

tf ((

It tt
11 tt

u ti

My brothers.

ft («

u tt
tt tt

Brothers.

ii

«
Brothers my.

Brothers.
u
ti
tt
tt
tt
tt
ti

My brothers.
Brothers.
My brothers.

Brothers,
it

M

tt

My brothers.
n ti
tt tt

Brothers my.
it a

My brothers.
Brothers my.

(( U

Sons of my father.
My brothers.
Brothers iny.

Ahwati

Sisters my.
«t it
« ti
tt tc
ti it

My sisters.
it K

*f (t
n u

Sisters,
tt
u
Sisters my.
Sisters.

H
U

tt
tf
ft
If
ft

My sisters.
Sisters.
My sisters.

Sisters,
tt

tt
it

My sisters,
tt tt

tt tt

Sisters my.
tt ft

My sisters.

sisters my.
tt tt

Daughters of my father sisters.
My sisters.
Sisters my.

•\kwiti

Akhawati

^khai

Mo pbethrichean

Haharaiii

Bhratarah

Swasarah. b Bhaginyah

Systur minar

systrar

Swusters

Sisters

Briider

Fratelli

Sorelle

Adulphoi

MS.no brolei

Moje siostry .

Moje sestry ...

Bratia mi

Sestri mi

Bratie mi

Moi bratja. b Bratia

Karndashlar uin

Brungeh unun

Atyam fijai. b Testvreim

Minu vennad

Weljeni

SI. Brother. (Male speaking.)

Translation.

32. Brother's son. (Male speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
C
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
2!)
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Akhi

Brother my.

« u
« ((
tt tt
tt tt

My brother.
(t tt
tt u
tt tt
Brother.

M

tt

Brother my.

Brother.

tt

H
tf
M
tf
tl
it

My brother.

Brother.

tt

•

H
H

tt
tt

My brother.

U tt

Brother my.
tt it

My brother.

Brother my.
Brother elder. b Younger,
My brother.
Brother my.

Ibn akhi

Son of brother my.

tf tt tt tt

tt tt tt tt
tt tt tt tt
Brother's son my.
Son of my brother.
ft tt tt
<t tf tt

My nephew.
Son of brother.

Brother's son.
tt tt

Brother's son my.
Brother's son.
Nephew.
Nephew
Nephew or grandson.
Nephew.
Brother's son.

Nephew,
tf

tt

My nephew.
Nephew.
Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a brother.
Nephew.

Brother's son.

My nephew,
tt tt

Nephew my.
Nephew.
My nephew.
Nephew my.
Son of brother my.
Little younger brother my.
My brother's son.
Brother's son. b Nephew.

Akhi

Ibn akhi

Akhi

B<§n akhi

Akhonee

Yakepire

Mo yrihair

M" ^ H 'Is610

Mo bhrathair

My braar

Fy mrawd

Fy Na'i

Bradar

Poosari bradar

Bratar. b Sodare

Broiler

Brodir in inn

Broiler

Bro.ior. b Brothor

Nefa

Brother

Breeder

Neef

Breeder

Nev6

Brohr

Brader

Neffe

Bruder

Neffe

Mon frt>re

Ilermano

« , ,

I mi. -i no

„ . . .

Kratello

Prater

Adelphos. b Kasignetos. Kasis ?
Adelphos

Adelphidous. b Kasignetos 'adel-

Brolis

Muj bratr

Brat mi

Hrat mi

Moi brat

Bra mnn

Yeyen Im

Batyam. " Ocsera

Kis ocsem

Veljeni

Minu venna poeg

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

87

TABLE I. — Continued.

33. Brother's eon's wife. (Male speaking.)

Translation.

34. Brother's daughter. (Male speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
38
37
38
39

Wife of son of brother my.

K i< it it

if it it it
Daughter-in-law of my brother.
Brother's son's wife my.

Wife of the son of my brother,
if fi it ft tt
it tt tt ft tt

My niece.
Wife of son of brother.

Brother's son's wife.
Wife of brother's son my.
Brother's sou's wife.

Niece.
tt
tt

Brother's son's wife.
Niece.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
Niece (by courtesy).
Niece by affinity.
Acquired niece.
Wife of the son of a brother.
Wife of nephew.

My niece-in-law.

tt ti tt it

My called niece.
Nephew's my wife.
Daughter-in-law of brother my.

My brother's son's wife.
Nephew's wife.

Bint akhi

Daughter of brother my.

t. tf tt tt

tt it tt it
tf ft tt tt
Brother's daughter.
Daughter of my brother.

tt ft ' II

tf ft tt

My niece.
Daughter of brother.
Brother's daughter.

Brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter.
Niece.
Niece. b Brother's daughter.
Niece's granddaughter.
Niece.
Brother's daughter.

Niece,
tt

My niece.

Niece,
ti

Niece. b Grandchild.
Daughter of a brother.

Niece,
it

My niece.

ti tt

Niece my.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece my.
Daughter of brother my.
Little younger sister my.
My brother's daughter.
Brother's daughter.

Bint akhi

Eshgth bSn ukhl

Bath ikhi

Bratad'akhBuee

Dukhtiiri bradar

Nicht

Nicht

NichtS

Nichte

Nichte

Nichte

Fratris filii uxor

Bratanitza. b Bratoochoctka

Yey5num kariisu

Nepaan vaimo

Veljen tytar

35. Brother's daughter's husband.
(Male speaking.)

Translation.

36. Brother's prandson.
(Male »-peakicjr.)

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
]2
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Zoj bint akhi

Husband of daughter of brother my.
it ft tt tt it tt
tt tt tt tt tt tt

Son-in-law of brother my.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
My nephew.
Husband of daughter of brother.

Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter's husband.

Nephew.
tt
ff

Brother's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Husband of niece.
My nephew.
Nephew by courtesy.
NephHW by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Husband of a daughter of a brother.
Husband of a niece.

My nephew-iii-law.

ti tt tt

My called nephew.
Niece's my husband.
Son-in-law of brother my.

My brother's daughter's husband.
Brother's daughter's husband.

Ibn ibn akhi

Son of son of brother my.
it tt it it

Grandson of brother my.
Brother's sou's son.
Son's sou of my brother.
Brother's grandchild.
Son of son of my brother.
Grandson of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandchild.
Son's son of brother my.
Brother's son's son.

Great nephew. Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandson, nephew.
Great nephew.
Brother's child's child.
Great nephew.
Brother's grandson.
My little nephew.
My grandson.
Nephew's grandson.
Great nephew. Great grandson.
Grandson of a brother,
tt ii tt
tt tt it

My nephew's son.

Little grandson my.
My nephew's grandson.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.

My brother's son's son.
Nephew's my son.

Zauj bint akhi

Ish bath akhi

Gora d'brata d'AkhSnee

Yakeporus toosttin arega

Far ineeni mo drihar

Fear pOsda nglien brathair

Sheshey iuneeu my braar

Fy nai

Shohiiri dukhtiiri bradar

Broder datter's husbond."-

Madr brodur dottur minn

Brorsdotters man

Neef.

NevS

Groot Nev6

Broh rs dochters man

Neffe

Gatte der nichte

Mon neveu

Sobrino politico

Sobrinho por affiuidade

Aquistata nipote

Fratris filiae vir

Adelphou eggonos. b Anepsiadous?

Moj synowice

Muj sestrin

Shena moega pljemiannik

Moi vnutchatuyi pljemianuik

Y6yenum kojiisu

Minu vennii tutiir mees... .

Veljen tyttareu mies

88

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

37. Brother's granddaughter.
(Mule speakiug.)

Translation.

38. Brother's great grandson.
(Male speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Bint ibn akhi

Daughter of sou of brother my.
tt tt it tt

Granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.
Daughter of son of my brother.
Brother's granddaughter.
Daughter of daughter of my brother.
Granddaughter of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's granddaughter.
Brother's grandchild.
Daughter's daughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.

Great niece, brother's granddaughter.
Brother's granddaughter, niece.
Great niece.
Brother's child's child.
Daughter of my niece.
Brother's granddaughter.
My little niece.
My granddaughter.
Nephew's granddaughter.
Great niece. Great granddaughter.
Grauddaughter of a brother.

It 11 tt
tt ' 11 tt

My nephew's daughter.

Little granddaughter my.
My niece granddaughter.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.

My brother's son's daughter.
Nephew's my daughter.

Ibn ibn ihn akhi

Sou of son of son of brother my.
it tt tt tt tt

Great grandchild of brother my.
Brother's son's son's son.
Sou of the son of the son of my b'ther.
Brother's great grandchild.
Son of son of son of my brother.
Great grandson of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.

Brother's great grandchild.
Sou's son's son of brother my.
Brother's son's son's sou.

Brother's great grandson.
Brother's great grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Brother's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Brother's great grandson.
My great little nephew.
My grandson.

Great nephew.

Great grandson of a brother,
(t tt tt tt
tt tt tt tt

My nephew's grandson.

Little great grandson my.
My nephew great grandson.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Son of grandchild of brother iny.

My brother's son's son's son.
Nephew's my grandson.

Ibn ibu ibn akhi

Niiwigata d'akhfinee

Nateja d'akh5nee

Yakeporus voretein v. voretin

Mac mac mac my braar

Orwyr fy mrawd

Navadar bradar

Niitijar bradar

Broders barnebams barn

Sonar sonar sour brodur minn ..

Great great nephew

Breeder's kleiu dochter. b Nicht.

Breeders achter klein zoon. b Neef

Fratris neptis

Adelphou Huione. b Anepsiades ?

Mai vnooka mi

Moja vnutchatnajapljemiannitza..

Moi pravnntchatnyi pljemannik..
Karndashmun toriinum torunu....

39. Brother's great granddaughter.
(Male bpeaking.)

Translation.

40. Sister.
(Male speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
2'J
30
31
32
33
34
35
3,i
37
38
39

Bint bint bint akhi

Daughter of d. of d. of brother my.
tt it it tt tt

Great granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daught. danght. daught.
Daughter of son of son of my brother.
Brother's great grandchild.
Daughter of sou of son of my brother.
Great granddaughter of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.

Brother's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of brother my.
Brother's sou's sou's daughter.

Brother's great granddaughter.
Brother's gt. granddaught. b Niece.
Great great niece.
Brother's child's child's child.
Great great niece.
Brother's great granddaughter.
My great little niece.
My granddaughter.

Great niece.

Great granddaughter of a brother.
<t u " tt tt
•tt tt it it

My nephew's granddaughter.

Little great granddaughter my.
My niece great granddaughter.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Daughter of g. d. of brother my.

My brother's son's Ron's daughter.
Nephew's my son's daughter.

Akhti

Sister my.

n ti

tt it
tt it

My sister.
tt tt
tt tt
it tt
tt it

Sister.

H

it

Sister my
Sister.

M

M
a
tt
ft
tt

My sister.

Sister.
t(

i
i
i
i

(

My sister.

it it

Sister iny.
tt u

My sister.

Sister my.
Sister elder. b Younger.
My sister.
Sister my.

Bint bint bint akhi

Ikhti

Natijta d'akhSnee

a Khothi

Khiitee

Yakeporus toostrin t. toostra

Jneean raic mio modrihar

lar lar oglia brathar

Ineen mac mac my braar

Orwyres fy mrawd

Hahar

Broders barnebams barn

Svasar. b Jami. c Bhagini

Dottur dotturdottir brodir ruimi..
Brorsons sons dotter

Systur minn

Syster

Great great niece

Sister

Broedersachterkleindoch. b Nicht
Groote groote nichte

Zuster

Sister

Brohrs kinds kinds kind

Sister

Urgross nichte

Bruders grossenkelin

Mon arriere-petite fille

Sobrina

Pronipote

Sorella

Fratris proneptia

Adelphou apogone trite

Adelphe. b Kasignete. c Kase ?..

Adelphou preggone

Moja wnuozka synowca

Mai prevnooka mi [nitza

Muj Sestra

Sestra mi

Moja pravnntchatnaja pljemian-
Karndashmun torunum torfum
Keezii t&rueh briirnun

Minti rennii poeg poeg tutiir

Nenem. b Hugoia

Minu odde

NVpaan polan tytar

OF THE II UMAX FAMILY.

89

TABLE I. — Continued.

41. Sister's son. (Male speaking.)

Translation.

42. Sister's eon's wife. (Male speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

lira akhti

Son of sister my
ti n it
n tt tt
Son of sister my. b Nephew.
Son of sister my.
Sou of my sister,
it « a
tt tt tt

My nephew.
Son of sister.

Sister's son.
tt tt

Sister's sou my.
Sister's son.

Nephew. b Sister's son.
tt tt tt

Nephew. b Grandson.
Nephew.
Sister's son.

Nephew,
tt

My nephew.

Nephew,
it

Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a sister.

Nephew.

tt

My nephew.

it it

Nephew my.

it tt

My nephew.

nephew my.

ii tt

Little younger brother.
My sister's son.
Sister's my son, nephew.

Wife of sou of sister my.
ft tt tt it
tt tt tt tt

Daughter-in-law of my sister.
Wife of son of sister my.

Wife of son of my sister,
ft tt ti tt

tt tt it it

My niece.
Wife of son of sister.
Sister's son'a wife.

Wife of sister's son my.
Sister's son's wife.

Niece,
ft
tt

Sister's son's wife.
Niece.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
My niece (by courtesy).
Niece by affinity.
Acquired niece.

Wife of a son of a sister.
it it tt it

My niece-in-law.

tt tt

Wife of my nephew.
Nephew's my wife.
Daughter-in-law, nephew my.

My sister's son husband.
Nephew's my wife.

Ben. ' Khothi

Esheth b6n • Kothi

Bruna d'khiitee. b Khwiirza

Calta d'khiitee

Niece ., .

Neef.

Nicht

Nichte

Neffe

Nichte

Neffe

Sobriiio

Ailelphidous. b Kasignetos. ° An-

Yfiy&n-mi

SidiLren poTka. b Nepaa

43. Sister's daughter.
(Male speaking.)

Translation.

44. Sister's daughter's husband.
(Male speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Bint iikhti

Daughter of sister my.
it tt ti
tt it it

Daughter of sister my. b Niece.
Sister's daughter.

Daughter of my sister,
it tt it

tt tt tt

My niece.
Daughter of sister.
Sister's daughter.
it tt

Sister's daughter my.
Sister's daughter.
Niece.
Niece, sister's daughter.
Niece. b Granddaughter.
Niece.
Sister's daughter.

Niece,
tt

My niece.

tt tt

Niece.
Niece or grandchild.
Daughter of a sister.
Niece,
ft

My niece,
tt ti

Niece my.
it it

My niece.
Niece my."
it it

Little younger sister my.
My sister's daughter.
Sister's my daughter.

Zoj bint akhti

Husband of daughter of sister my.
ft tt it it
ft tt tt tt
Son-in-law of sister my.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of the daught. of ray sister.

Husband of daughter of my sister,
tt tt tt it

My nephew.
Husband of daughter of sister.

Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of sister's daughter my.
Sister's daughter's husband.

Nephew,
it
it

Sister's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Husband of niece.
My nephew.
My nephew (by courtesy).
Nephew by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Husband of a daughter of a sister.
Husband of a niece.

Uy nephew-in-law.

ti it tt

Bint ikhti

Bath a Khothi

Ish bath a Khothi

Dukhtiiri hahlir

Shohari dukhtari hahar

Svasriya

Nicht

Neef

Nichte

Nev6

Nichte

Neffe

Nichte

Sororis filia

Ailelphide. b Kasignete. ° Anepsie

Moja siostrzenica

Piece's my husband.

Hy sister's daughter's husband.
Sister's my daughter's husband.

oiabcr, 18CO.

90

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2{
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
3*
39

43. Sifter's prnndson.
(Male speaking.)

Translation.

4t>. Sister's great grandson.
(Male speaking.)

Translation.

Sou of son of sister my.

u u it "

Grandson of sister my.
Sister's son's son.
Son of the son of my sister
Grandson of my sister.
Son of son of my sister.
Grandson of my sister.
Grandchild of sister.
Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandchild.
Son's son of sister my.
Sister's sou's son.

Grand nephew. Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandson. b Nephew.
Great nephew.
Sister's child's child.
Great nephew. b Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandson.
My little nephew.

Nephew's grandson.
Great nephew.

Graudsou of a sister,
it n n
it tt (t

My nephew-son.

Little grandson my.
My nephew grandson.
Sister's my grandchild.
Son of nephew my.

My sister's son's sou.
Sister's my son's sou.

Ibn ibn ibn iikhti

Son of sou of son of sister my.

tt it it tt tt

Great grandson of sister my.
Son of son of son of sister my.
Son of the son of the sou of a sister.
Great grandson of my sister.
Son of son of son of niy sister.
Great grandson of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.

Sister's great grandchild.
Son's sou's son of sister my.
Sister's sou's sou's son.

G't grandueph. Sister's g'tg'dson.
Sister's great grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Sister's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Sister's great grandson.
My great little nephew.

Great nephew.
Great grandson of a sister.

tt tt tt t.

it tt tt ti
My nephew-grandson.

Little great grandson my.
My nephew-great grandson.
Sister's iny grandchild.
Son of nephew my.

My sister's son's son's son.
Sister's my son's son's son.

Ibn ibn ibuikhti

Natija d'khatee

Crochus voretein v. vorettn

Mac inic mic mo driffer

lar ogha pethar

Mac mac mac my shuyr

Orwyr fy chwaer

Natijar hahai

Siisters barnebarns barn

a»rnap

St.nar sonar sour systur uiinn

tiyster's son's sonson

Great grand nephew

Zuster's achter klein zoou. b Neef
Uroot groot neve

Sister's kinds kinds kind

Gross neffe. b Schwester enkel...

Adelphea. b Eggonos. c Anepsia-

Mai prevnook mi

Moi vnutchatnyi pljeraiannik

Moi prevmitchatuyi pljemiannik..

h kl 1

Minu odde poeg poeg poeg

Sisareu potan polau polka

47. Sister's great granddaughter.
(Male bpeakiog.)

Translation.

48. Brother.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
96
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
30
37
38
39

D. of d. of d. of sister my.
u a t( tt u

Great granddaughter of sister my.
Dan. of dau. of dau. of sister my.
Dau. of the son of the sou of my sist.
Great grandchild of my sister.
Daughter of son of son of my sister.
Great granddaughter of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.

Sister's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of sister my.
Sister's daughter's daught. daught.

Gt. grandniece, sister's gt, granddau.
Sister's great granddaughter. Niece.

Akhi

Brother my.

tt tt

it n
ft ft

My brother.

tt tt

tt tt
tt tt

Brother,
tt

ft

Brother my.
Brother.

My brother.
Brother.
My brother,
tt

Brother.

tt

tt»
tt

My brother.

tt tt

Brother my.

tt tt

My brother.
Brother my.
Brother my.
Brother elder. b Younger.
My brother.
Brother my.

Akhi

Natijta d'khatee

Natiiai hahar

Bradiir

Bratar. b Sodare

Dottur dottur dottir systurminn..

Zuster's achter kleiu dochter. b

Sister's child's child's child. b Neph.
Great great niece.
Sister's great granddaughter.
My great little daughter.

Great niece.
Great granddaughter of a sister.

« it it u
« « ft it

My nephew-granddaughter.

Little great granddaughter my.
My niece great granddaughter.
Sister's my great grandchild.
Grandchild of nephew my.

My sister's son's son's daughter.
Sister's niy sou's son's daughter.

Brohr

Adelphos. b Kasignetos. c Kasis ?

Biolis

M<>j brat

Moja prevnuLchatnaja p'jemian-

V.'lifni

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

91

TABLE I. — Continued.

49. Brother's son.
(Female speaking.)

Trauslation.

50. Brother's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3

4

5

6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
10
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3i)
37
38
39

Ibn akhti

Son of brother my.

(t if U

a a tt
n it a
Brother's son.
Son of my brother.
it it U
n it a

My nephew.
Son of brother.
Brother's son.

it It

Brother's son my.
Brother's son.
Nephew.
Nephew. Brother's son.
Nephew and grandson.
Nephew.
Brother's son.

Nephew.

tt

My nephew.
Nephew.
My nephew.
Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a brother.

Nephew,
n

Brother's son.

My nephew.

(t (t

Nephew my.
Nephew.
My nephew.
Nephew my.
Son of brother my.
Little younger brother my.
My brother's son.
Brother's son. b Nephew.

Wife of son of brother my.

a it it tt ti

n ti it tt tt
it it tt n it

Brother's son's wife.

Wife of son of my brother.

it it u tt

if it it tt

My niece.
Wife of son of brother.

Brother's son's wife.
Wife of brother's son my.
Brother's sou's wife.

Niece,
tt
u

Brother's son's wife.
Niece.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
My niece (by courtesy).
Niece (by affinity).
Acquired niece.
Wife of a son of a brother.
Wife of nephew.

My uiece-in-law.
it it

Wife of my nephew.
Nephew, my wife.
Daughter-in-law of brother my.

My brother's son'a wife.
Nephew's my wife.

Ibn akhi

Ben akhi

Esheth ben akhi

I In i nil d'iikhSnee

Calta d'akhSnee

Fy nith

Nefa

Neef

Nicht .

Neve"

Nichte

Neffe

Nichte .

Neffe

Fratris filius

Fratris filii uxor...

Adelphidous. b Kasignotes

Muj sestrenec

Moj pljemiannik

Minu vennii poeg

Veljen polka. b Nepaa

51. Brother's daughter.
(Female b peaking.)

Translation.

52. Brother's daughter's husband.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

1
n

3
4

5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Bint akhi

Daughter of brother my.

ti 11 11 U
<f (1 (1 It
It 11 11 It

Brother's daughter.
Daughter of my brother.

«t ft ft

tt tt ft
My niece.
Daughter of brother.

Brother's daughter,
tt tt

Brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter.
Niece.
Niece. Brother's daughter.
Niece. b Granddaughter.
Niece.
Brother's daughter.

Niece,
tt

My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece. b Grandchild.
Daughter of a brother.

Niece,
tt

My niece.

tt

Niece my.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece my.
Daughter of brother my.
Little younger sister my.
My brother's daughter.
Brother's my daughter.

Zuj bint akhi

Husband of daughter of brother my.
tt u tt it it u

Husband of sister of brother my.
Son-in-law of my brother.
Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
Son-in-law of my brother.
Husband of daughter of my brother.
My nephew.
Husband of daughter of brother.

Brother's daughter's husband.
Husband of brother's daughter my.
Brother's daughter's husband.

Nephew.

it

it
Brother's daughter's husband.
Nephew.
Husband of niece.
My nephew.
My nephew (by courtesy).
Nephew by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Husband of a daughter of a brother.
Husband of a niece.

My nephew- in-law.

tt ti

Husband of my niece.
Niece's my husband.
Son-in-law of brother my.

My brother's daughter's husband.
Brother's my daughter's ImsK'iihl.

Bint akhi

Bath akhi

Ish bath akhi

Briita d'iikhonee

Yiiheporus toostra

Ineean mo drihar

Fy nith

Dukhtari bradiir

Shohari dukhtari bradiir

Broderdatter

Brodur dottir min

Brorsdotter

Nefane

Niece

Nicht

Neef

Nichte

NevS

Nichte

Neffe

Nichte

Ma niece

Sobrinha

Nipote

Fratris filia

Adelphide. b Anepsia

Moja sio^trzenica

Ma sestrina

Bratanitsa mi

Bratanitza. b Bratovchactka

Yey&n-im

Veljen tytar

92

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

1

2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

53. Brother's grandson.
(Female speaking.)

Ilm ibn akhi.

Ilin ibn akhi.

Nawiga d'akhOnee

Yakeporus voretein voretin.

Mac mic mo drihar

Ogha mo brathar

Mao tnac my braar

Wyr fy mrawd

Navadai bradar

Bhratrnaptar

Broders barnebarn

Sonar sour brodur min

Brorsons son

Great nephew. Cousin-nephew...

Breeders kleiu zoon. b Nerf

Groot neve

Brohrs kinds kind

Gro.ss neffe. b Bruders enkel

Bruders enkel

Mon petit-ne veu

Sobrinho neto

Pronipote

Fratris nepos

Adelphou eggonos. b Anepsiadous ?
Adelphou eggonos

Moj syn synowca..

Mai vnook mi

Moi vnutchatnyi pljemiannik

Karndashmun torii

Tunieh bra man

Minn venna tutar poeg.
Nepaan polka

Translation.

Son of son of brother my,

Grandson of brother my.
Brother's son's son.
Son of son of iny brother.
Grandchild of my brother.
Son of son of my brother.
Grandson of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's grandson.
Brother's grandchild.
Son's son of brother my.
Brother's son's son.

Great nephew. Brother's grandson.

Brother's grandson. b Nephew.

Great nephew.

Brother's child's child.

Great nephew. b Brother's grandson.

Brother's grandson.

My Little nephew.

Nephew-grandson.
Great nephew.
Grandson of a brother.

My nephew's son.

Little grandson my.
My nephew-grandson.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.

My brother's daughter's son.
Nephew's my son.

64. Brother's grainldiingliter.
(Female speaking.)

Bint ilin akhi.
Biiit ibn akhi.

Nawigta d'akhBnee

Yakeporus toodtrin toostra.

Ineean mic mo drihar

Ogha mo brathar

Inneean mac braar

Wyres fy mrawd

Navadai bradar

Bliratrnaptri

Broders barnebarn

Dottur dottir brodur min...
Brorsdotters dotter

Great niece. b Cousin-niece

Broders klein dochter. b Nicht...

Groote nichte

Brohrs kinds kind

Bruders enkelinu

Bruders enkelin

Ma petite-fille

Sobrinha por affinidade

Pronipote

Fratris neptis

Adelphou huione. b Anepsiades ?
Adelphou eggoue

Moja corka syuowca.

Mai vnooka mi

Moja vnutchatnaja pljemiannitza

Karndashmun tori

Tfiineh bra, rnuii

Minn venna tutar tutar.
Nepaan tylar

Translation.

Daughter of son of brother my.

Granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.
Daughter of son of my brother.
Grandchild of my brother.
Daughter of son of my brother.
Granddaughter of my brother.
Grandchild of brother.
Brother's granddaughter.
Brother's grandchild.
Daughter's daughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daughter.

Grandniece. Brother's granddaught.

Brother's granddaughter. Niece.

Great niece.

Brother's child's child.

Brother's granddaughter.

it u

My little niece.

Niece by affinity.
Great niece.
Granddaughter of a brother.

My nephew's daughter.

Little granddaughter my.
My niece granddaughter.
Brother's my grandchild.
Grandchild of brother my.

My brother's daughter's daughter.
Nephew's my daughter.

65. Brother's great grandson.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

56. Brother's great granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

10

11

12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn akhi.
Ibn ibn ibn akhi.

Natija d'akhSnee

Yakeporus voretein v. voretin.

Mac mic mic mo drihar

lar ogha mo brathar

Mac mac mac my braar

Orwyr fy mrawd

Natijaiii bradiir

Broders barnebarns barn

Sonar sonar sonr brodur min ,
Brorsons sonson

Great great nephew.....

Breeders achter klein zoon.

Groot grootnevg

Brohrs kinds kinds kind....

Urgross neffe

Bruders grossenkel

Mon arriere-petit-ueveu

Neef.

Pronipote

Fratris pronepos

Adelphon apogonos tritos.
Adelphou proeggonos

Moj wnuk synowca..

Mai prevnook

Moi pravnutchnayi jiljemiannik .
Karndashmun tnnlnfuu torfinfi...
Laveh torneh bra uiun

Minn venna poep poeg poeg..
Nepaan poTan polka

Son of son of son of brother my.

Great grandson of brother my.
Brother's son's son's sou.
Sou of son of son of my brother.
Grandchild of my brother.
Son of son of son of my brother.
Great grandson of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.

Brother's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of brother my.
Brother's sou's son's sou.

G't g't nephew, bro. g't grandson.
Brother's g't grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Brother's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Brother's great grandson.
My great little nephew.

Great nephew.

Great grandson of a brother.

My nephew-grandson.

Little great grandson.
My nephew-great grandson.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Son of grandchild of brother my.

My brother's son's son's son.
Nephew's my son's son.

Bint hint bint akhi.
Bint bint bint akhi.

Natijta d'akhSnee

Yakeporus toostrin t. too=tra

Ineean mic mic mo drihar

lar ogha mo brathar

Inneen mac mac my braar

Orwyres fy mrawd

Natijai bradar

Broders barnebarns barn

Dottur dottur dottir brodur min.
Brorsdotters dotter dotter

Great great niece [Nuht

Breeders achter klein dochter. b

Groote groote nichte

Brohrs kinds kinds kind

Bruders ureukel i n n

Bruders prossenkelin

Mou arriere-petite-u.ece

Pronipote

Fratrin proneptis

Adelphou eggone trite.
Adelphou proeggone ...

Moja wnuczka synowca..

Mae prevnooka mi fnitza

Mnja pravnntchatnaja pljemian-
Kilrndiishnum torumun torfliiu. ...
Keeza, tonieh bra mun

Minu venna poe<r poeg tutar.
Nepaan poian ty tar

Daughter of d. of d. of brother my.

Great granddaughter of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daught. daught.
Daughter of son of son of my brother.
Great grandchild of my brother.
Daughter of son of son of my brother.
Great granddaughter of my brother.
Great grandchild of brother.

Brother's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of brother my.
Brother's daughter's daught. daught.

G't g't niece, brother's g. g. daughter.
Brother's g't granddaughter. b Niece.
Great great niece.
Brother's chilli's child's child.
Brother's great granddaughter.
ii d '(

My great little niece.

Great niece.

Great granddaughter of a brother.

My nephew-granddaughter.

Little great granddaughter.
My niece great granddaughter.
Brother's my great grandchild.
Daughter of grandchild brother my.

My brother's son's son's daughter.
Nephew's my son's daughter.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

93

TABLE I. — Continued.

57. Sister. (Female speaking.)

Translation.

58. Sister's son. (Female speaking.)

Translation.

I

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Akhti

Sister my.

it ti
it it
it it

My sister.
n it

tt tt
tt tt

Sister.
ii
n

Sister my.

Sister.
u
<i

H
((
tt
It

tf

My sister.
Sister.
My sister.

Sister,
it

ti
tt

My sister,
tt tt
<t ti

Sister jay.
tt tt

My sister.

Sister my.
Sister elder. b Younger.
My sister.
Sister my.

Son of sister my.

ti u u

It It «(

11 If 11

Sister's son.
^on of my sister.

(( f (f 14

« it tt

My nephew.
Son of sister.

Sister's sou.
tt t«

Sister's sou my.
Sister's son.
Nephew.
Nephew, sister's son.
Nephew. b Urandsou.
Nephew.
Sister's son.

Nephew,
u

My nephew.

44 tt

Nephew.
Nephew. b Grandchild.
Son of a sister.

U t( tt

tf tt tt

My nephew.

( > 4f

Nephew my.
(t «

My nephew.
Nephew my.
Son of brother my.
Little younger sister my.
My sister's son.
Sister's my son. b Nephew.

Ikhti

Ibn ikhti

1 khothf

B5n * Khothi

Khutee

Kooere

Mo yriffur

Mo phiuthar

My Shuyr

Fy chwaer

Fy nai

Hahar

Svasar. * lami. c Bhainni

Sbster

Systur mm

Syster

Swuster. b Theoster

Nela .

Sister

Zuster

Neef

Sister

Nev6

Sister

Schwester

Neffe

Sohwester

Neffe

Ma soeur

Hermaua

Irman

Sorella

Soror

Adelphe. b Kasignete. c Kase ?...
Adelphe

Adelphidous. b Kasignatos. ° An-

Mano suse T.

Moj siostra

Muj sestra

Sestra mi

Sestra mi

Moja sestra

Khooshkeh man

Yej6n-im

Nenem. » Hugom

Mina odde

Sisareni

59. Sister's son's wife.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

60. Sister's daughter.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Amrat ibn iikhti

Wife of son of sister my.
tt tt tt ' tt tt
tt tf tt tt tt

Daughter-in-law.
Daughter-in-law of my sister.
Wife of son of my sis'er.
tt tt ft tt tt

it tt tt tt tt

My niece.
Wife of son of sister.

Sister's son's wife.
Wife of sister's son my.
Sister's sou's wife.

Niece,
tt
tt

Sister's son's wife.
Niece by marriage.
Wife of nephew.
My niece.
My niece (by courtesy).
Niece by affinity.
Acquired nephew.
Wife of a son of a sister.
Wife of a nephew.

My niece-in-law.
tt tt tt

Wife of my nephew.
Nephew's my wife.
Daughter-in-law of sister my.

My sister's son wife.
Nephew's my wife.

Bint iikhti

Daughter of sister my.

U tt (( it

(t (f ft ft
(f ft ft tt

Sister's daughter.
Daughter of my sister.

it tt * it

tt ft ft

My niece.
Daughter of sister.

Sister's daughter.
tt tt

Sister'a daughter my.
Sister's daughter.
Niece.
Niece. Sister's daughter.
Niece. b Granddaughter.
Niece.
Sister's daughter.
Niece.

tt

My niece.
Niece.
My niece.
Niece. b Grandchild.
Daughter of a sister.

Niece,
tt

My niece,
tt tt

Niece my.

tt tt

My niece.
Niece my.
Daughter of sister my.
Little younger sister my.
My sister's daughter.
Sister's my daughter.

Zaujat ibn ikhti .

Bint ikhti

Eslieth b6n " Kiiothi

Bath a Khothi

Calta d'Khatee

Bivita d'Khiitee ..

Ban mac mo driffer

Bean mic pethfir

Nighean mo phiuthar.

Brii mac my shuyr

Fy nitli

Fy nith

Zani poosiiri hahiir

Diikhtari liahlir

Siistersotis hustrun

Svasriya

Sosterdatter

Kon.'i systur son;ir min

Systur dottir min

Systersous hustru

Systerdotter

Niece

Nefane

Nii-ht

Nicht

Niclite

Nichte

Nichte

Nu-hte

Nichte

Ma niece

Ma niece

Sobrina politica

Sobrina

Sobrinha por affinidade

Aquistella nipote

Nipote

Adelphidou gune

Adelphide. b Kasignete. "Anepsia?
Adelphide. ** Anepsia

Moja siostrzencowa

Ma sestrencowa

Ma sestrina

Sestrenitza mi

YeySnum k..rii -u

94

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

1
2
3
4

5
6
7
8
9
in
11
11
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2ti
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

61. Sister's daughter's husband.
I. m.u< speaking.)

Z6j bint akhti

Zauj bint ikhti

Ish bath "Khuthl

Klmtna d'Khiitee

Crochus toostrin arega

Far ineeni modriffer

Cleeamhiun rao phiuthar...
Sheshey inneen my shuyr.

Fy nai

Shoharl dukhtiiri hahar

Sosterdatter husbond....
Madr systur dottur min.
Systerdotters man

Nephew

Neef

Neve

Sisters docbters man....

Neffe

Gatte dernichte

Mon neven

Sobrino politico

Sobrinho por affinidade.

Aquistata nipote

Sororis filise vir

Adelphides aner

Moj siostrzenin.
Muj sestrin

Mush moego pljeraiannik

Yeyen-um kojasii

Mereh keeza khodshkeh muu.

Minn odde tntar mees.
Sisaren vavy

Translation.

Husband of daughter of sister my.

Son-in-law of my sister.
Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband's daughter of my sister.

My nephew.

Husbaud of daughter of sister.

Sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of sister's daughter my.
Sister's daughter's husband.

Nephew.

Sister's daughter's husband.

Nephew.

Husband of niece.

My nephew.

My nephew (by courtesy).

Nephew by affinity.

Acquired nephew.

Husband of a daughter of a sister.

Husband of a niece.

My nephew-in-law.

Husband of my niece.

Niece's rny husband.

Husband of daughter of sister my.

My sister's daughter's husband.
Sister's my son-in-law.

62. Sister's grandson.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

Ibn ibn akhti Son of sou of sister my.

Ibn ibn ikhti

Nawiga d'khatee

Crochus voretein voretin.

Mac ineeni mo driffer

Egha mo phiuthar

Mac mac my shuyr

Wyr fvchwaer

Niivad'ai hahar

Svasrnaptar

Siisters barnebarn

Sonar sonr systur min....
Systersons sou

Great nephew. "Wain-nephew...

Zusters klein zoon. b Necf

Groot nevfi

Sisters kinds kind

Gross neffe. b Schwester enkel...

Schwester enkel

Mon petit-neveu

Sobrino

Sobrinho neto

Pronipote

Sororis nepos

Adelphes eggonos. b Anepsiades?
Adelphes eggouos

Moj syu siostrzenca.

Mai vnook mi

Moi vnutchatnyi pljemiannik

Kuz karndashinuu toru

Tfirueh khodshkeh muu

Minn odde poegpoeg My sister's son's son.

Slsaren polau polka Sister's my son's son.

Grandson of sister my.
Sister's son's sou.
Sister's daughter of my sister.
Grandchild of my sister.
Son of son of my sister.
Grandson of my sister.
Grandchild of a sister.
Sister's grandson.
Sister's grandchild.
Son's son of sister niy.
Sister's son's son.

Great nephew. Sister-grandson.

Sister's grandson. b Nephew.

Great nephew.

Sister's child's child.

Great nephew. b Sister's grandson.

Sister's grandson.

My little nephew.

My nephew.

Nephew's grandson.

Great nephew.

Grandson of a sister.

My nephew's son.

Little grandson my.
My nephew's grandson.
Sister's my grandchild.
Grandchild of sister my.

63. Sister's granddaughter.
(Female iptaklng.)

Translation.

64. Sister's great grandson.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

1
I

B

4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
38
17
28
•J'.i
BO
31
32
:;:-,
34
M
M
:•.'
M
89

Bint ibn akhti.
Bint ibn ikhti..

Nawigta. d'khatee

Crochus toostrin toostra. .

lueean mic modriffer

Ogha mo phiuthar

Inneen mac my shuyr ....

Wyres fychwaer

Navadai hahur

Srasrnaptri

Sosters barnebarn

Dottur dottir systur min .
Systersons dotter

Great niece. Cousin-niece ,

Zusters klein dochter. b Nicht.

Groote nichte

Sisters kinds kind

Schwester enkelinu

Schwester enkelin

Ma petite-niece

Sul ii ina

Sobriuha neta

Pronipote

Sororis neptis

Adelphes eggone. "Anepsiade?.
Adelphes eggoue

Moja corka siostrzenca.,

Mai vnooka mi

Mnja vmr.i/hiitiiiija plji'inianuitza..

Kuz k.irnd.ishniiin torii

Tfirni'h khooshkeh mun

Minn odde poeg tutiir.
Sisaren polan tytar

Daughter of son of sister my.

Granddaughter of sister my.
Sister's daughter's daughter.
Daughter's son of my sister.

Granddaughter of my sister.

Grandchild of sister.

Sister's granddaughter.

Sister's grandchild.

Daughter's daughter of sister my.

Sister's son's daughter.

Great niece. Sister's granddaughter.
Sister's granddaughter. b Niece.
Great niece.
Sister's child's ehild.

Sister's granddaughter.

u 11

My little niece.

My niece.

Niece's granddaughter.

Great niece.

Granddaughter of a sister.

My nephew's daughter.

Little granddaughter my.
My niece's granddaughter.
Sister's my grandchild.
Grandchild of sister my.

My sister's son's daughter.
Sister's my son's daughter.

Ibn Ibn ibn akhti
Ibn ibn ibu ikhti.

Niitija d'khatee

Crochus voretein v. voretin.

Mac mic mic modriffer

lar ogha mo phiuthar

Mac mac mac my shuyr

Orwyr fy chwaer

Nitijiii hahar

Sosters barnebarns barn

Sonar sonar sonr systur miu.
Systersons sonson

Great grand nephew

Zusters achter klein zoon. b Nee

Groot groot nevg

Sisters kinds kinds kind

Urgross neffe

Sell wester grossenkel

Mon arriere-petit-neveu

Pronipote

Sororis pronepos

Adelphes tritos apogonos.
Adelphes proeggonos

Moj wnuk siostrezenca..

Mai prevnook mi

Moi pravnutchatnyi pljemiannik..
Karndrislnn fin torunum torunu —
Laveh tOrnuli khoushkeh mun

Minu odde poeg poeg poeg .
Slsaren poTan poian po!k;i.

Sou of son of son of sister my.

Great grandson of sister my.
Sister's son's son's son.
Son's son's son of my sister.
Great grandchild of my sister.
Son of son of son of my sister.
Great grandson of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.

Sister's great grandchild.

Son's son's son of sister my.
Sister's son's son's son.

G't grandnephew. Sister's p. g. son.
Sister's great grandson. b Nephew.
Great great nephew.
Sister's child's child's child.
Great great nephew.
Sister's grrat grandson.
My great little nephew.

Great nephew.

Great grandson of a sister.

My nephew-grandson.

Little great grandson my.
My nephew's great grandson.
Sister's my great grandchild.
Son of grandchild of sister my.

My sister's son's son's son.
Sister's my son's son's son.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

95

TABLE I. — Continued.

65. Sister's Great granddaughter.
(Female speaking.)

Translation.

66. Father's brother.

Translation.

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Bint bint bint akliti .
Bint bint bint ikhti.

Natigta d'khatee

Crochus toostrin t. toostra

Ineean mic mic mo drifter

lar ogha mo phiuthar

Inueen mac mac my shuyr

Orwyres fy chwaer

Niitijiii hahar

Sosters barnebarns barn

Dottur dottur dottir systur min...
Systerdotters dotter dotter

Great grandniece [b Nicht

Zusters achter kleiu dochter.

Groote groote nichte

Sisters kinds kinds kind

Schwester ureukeliun

Schwester grossenkelin

Mou arriere-petite-niuce

Pronipote

Sororis proneptis

Adelphes trite eggonos.
Adelphes proggoue

Moja wnuczka siostrzenca.

Daughter of d. of d. of sister my.

Great granddaughter of sister my.
Sister's daughter's d. 'daughter.
Daughter's s. son my sister.
Great grandchild of my sister.
Daughter of son of son of my sister.
Great granddaughter of my sister.
Great grandchild of sister.

Sister's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of sister my.
Sister's daughter's danght. daught.

G't g'ndniece. Sister's g. g. daught.
Sister's g't granddaughter. b Niece.
Great great niece.
Sister's child's child's child.

Sister's great granddaughter,
tt it tt

My great little niece.

Great niece.

Great granddaughter of a sister.

My nephew-granddaughter.

Mai prevnooka mi [nitza Little great granddaughter my.

Moja pravnutcuatnaja plemian- ' My niece, great granddaughter.

Karndashmun toiunum toriinu....
Keeza torneh khou^hkeh muu

Minu oilde poeg poeg tutar..
Sisareii poliin poian tytar —

Sister's my great grandchild.
Daughter of grandchild of sister my.

My sister's son's son's daughter.
Sister's my son's sou's daughter.

Ammi

Amuii

Dodhi

Amuwee

Horns yakepira

Drihar m'ahar

Brathair m'athair

Braar my ayr

Fy ewyrth (pr. aworth).

Amoo

Pitroya. b Pitrbhratar..

Farbroder

Fodnr brodir niiiin

Farbroder. b Farbror....

Paternal uncle....

Oom

Oom

Ohm. b Onkel....
Oheim. b Onkel.
Oheim. b Oukel.

Mou oncle

Tio

Tio carnal

Tio-....

Patruus

Patros. b Patradelphos. « Theios
Theios. [d nanuos? c Patrokasignatos

Mauo dode

Moj stryj

Muj stryo

Chicha. " Strika mi

Chicha. b Streeka

Moi djadja

Ammi-m. b Amfija-m

Apeh mun

Nagy batyam

Minu esii vend

Setani

Paternal uncle my.

Father's brother.
Brother of my father.

My uncle.
Paternal uncle.

Father's brother my.
Father's brother.

Uncle (father's side.)

My uncle.

Uncle.

Blood uncle.

Uncle.

Paternal uncle.

Uncle.

Uncle.

My father's brother.

My paternal uncle.

tt «t tt

Paternal uncle my.
tt tt

My uncle.

Uncle my (paternal).
Paternal uncle my.
Grand elder brother.
My father's brother.
Uncle my.

67. Father's brother's wife.

Translation.

8. Father's brother's SOD.

Translation.

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Amrat ammi

Zoujat ammi

Dodhathi

Bakhta d'amuuiee

llorus yakeporagena....

Ban drihar inahar

Bean brathar m'athair .

Ben braar my ayr

Fy modrib

Zari amoo

Farbroders hustrue

Kona fodur brodurmin.
Farbroders hustru

Wife of paternal uncle my.
tt tt tt tt tt

Aunt uiy.

Wife of paternal uncle my.

Father's brother's wife.

Wife of the brother of my father.

My aunt.

Wife of paternal uncle.

Uncle's wife (father's side).
Wife of father's brother uiy.
Father's brother's wife.

Aunt

Ooms vrouw. b

Moej

Molm. b Tante ..
Muhme. b Taute

Oheim.s frau

Ma taute.

Tia politica

Tia por affinidade
Tia

Moej.

Aunt.

Uncle's wife.
Aunt.

b Aunt.

Patrui uxor... .
Patroos gune.

1 Thiou gune.

Uncle's wife.

My aunt.

My aunt by courtesy.

Aunt by affinity.

Aunt.

Wife of paternal uncle.

Mano dedene My father's brother's wife.

Moja stryjeuka \ My aunt.

Ma stryna..

Strinka mi

Streena. b China .
Moja tjotka

Amje mun

Nagy angyom

Minn esa venna naine
Setaui valino

Aunt my.
Aunt.

My aunt.

Uncle's wife.

Wife of paternal uncle my.

Grand sister-in-law.

My father's brother's wife.

Wife of my uncle.

Ibn ammi

1 1 in ammi

Ben dodhl

Bruna d'amiiwee

Horns yakepora voretin

Mac drihar mahar

Mac brathar m'athair

Mac brear my ayr

Fy nghefnder (pr. hevender)

Poosari amoo

Pitroyaputra

Falters sodskendebarn

Brodur sonr fodur min

Farbrors son. b Sysling

(Swor?)

Cousin. Uncle's son

Ooms zoon. * Neef

Kozyn. b Ooms zoon

Vedder

Vetter. b Gesehwister kind

Oheims sohn. b Vetter

Mon cousin-germain

Primohermano

Primo irmao

Cugino

Patrui li! ins. b Frater patruelis.,

Anepsios. b Kasis t ,

PrStos exadelphos

Moj stryjeczny brat.

Bratooche mi

Otchicha brat. bChichersin.

Moi dvoiurodnyi brat

Amiijamun oghlii

l.iivch iipeh mun

Minu esii vennii poeg.
Serkkunl. Orpauaui.

Son of paternal uncle my.

tt tt tt tt

Son of uncle my.

Son of paternal uncle my.

Father's brother's son.

Son of brother of my father.

My cousin.

Sou of paternal uncle.

Paternal uncle's son.

Cousin.

Brother's son of father my.

Father's brother's son. b Cousin.

Cousin germain.

First cousin. Uncle's son.

Uncle's son. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Uncle's son.

Cousin.

Cousin. b Relative's child.

Uncle's son. b Cousin.

My cousin germaiu.

My cousin-brother.

Cousin-brother.

Cousin.

Son of pat. uncle. b Bro. patruel.

Cousin.

My brother through paternal uncle.

Uncle's son my. [b Uncle's son.

Brother through paternal uncle.

My double birth brother.

Son of uncle my.

Son of paternal uncle my.

My father's brother's son.
Cousin my.

96

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

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9. Father's brother's son's wife.

Amrat ibn ammi.,
Xaujat ibn

Calta d'amiiwee

Horns yukejioree voretin gena.,

Ban mic driliar niahar

Bean mac brathar m'athair ,

Ben mac braar my ayr

Fy cyfnither (pr. ketuether)...,
Zani poosiri amoo ,

Falters hnstrne

Sonar kona todnr brodur mins.,
Farbrors sonhustru

Cousin

Ooms zoons vrouw.

Nichte ...................

Base ......................

Oheinis sohnsfrau ....

Ma consine .............

Prima politica ..........

Prima por affinidade.
Aquistella cugina .....

Patrui filii uxor .......

Anepsiou guue .........

Moja stryjeezna bratowa .

Sbena moego dvoinrodnaja brata.

Amnjainnn oghlfinum kari'i-n

Thuuieh lavehapehmun

Minu esa venna poeg naiue.
Serkkuui vaimo

Translation.

Wife of son of paternal uncle my.

Daughter-in-law of patern. uncle my.
Fatber's brotber's son's wife.
Wife of the son of my father's bro.
Wife of the son of the bro. of my fa.

it fi it ii li 1' "

My cousin.

Wife of son of paternal uncle.

Cousin's wife.

Son's wife of father's brother my.

Father's brother's son's wife.

Cousin.

Uncle's son's wife.

Cousin.

Uncle's son's wife.

My cuii-iii.

My cousin (by courtesy).

Cousin by affinity.

Acquired cousin.

Wife of son of paternal uncle.

Wife of cousin.

My sister-in-law through p. uncle.

Wife of my double birth brother.
Wife of the son of my uncle.
Daughter-in-law son of pater, uncle.

My father's brother's son's wife.
Wife of my cousin.

70. Father's brother's daughter.

Bint ammi

Bint ammi

Bath dodhi

Brata d'amuwee

Horus yakepora tooster

Ineean drihar mahar

Nighean brathar m'athair

Inneen braar myiiyr

Fy cyfnither

Dftkhtari amoo

Pitroyaputri

Karbrodersdatter. b Sb'dskendebarn

Dottir fodurbrodur mins

b'arbrors dotter. b Syssling

Cousin. Paternal uncle's danght.

OIHUS dochter. b Nicht

Nichte. b Ooms dochter

Nichte

Base. b Gerschwisterkind

Oheims tochter. b Base

Ma cousine germaine

Prima hermana

Prima

Cugina

Patrui filia. b Soror patruelis

Anepsia. b Kase ?

Prote exadelphe

Moja stryjeczna siostra

Bratovchetka ini

[tera
Otchicha sestra. b Chichev dush-

Maja dvoinroilnaja sestra

Amuiamun kiisii

Keesaiipeh mun

Minu esa venna tutilr.,
Serkkunl orpanani....

Translation.

Daughter of paternal uncle my.

ti it it it

Daughter of uncle my.
Daughter of paternal uncle my.
Father's brother's daughter.
Daughter of my father's brother.
Daughter of the brother of my father.
tt it u fi tt

My cousin.

Daughter of paternal uncle.

Paternal uncle's daughter.

Cousin.

Daughter of father's brother's my.

Father's brother's daught. Cousin.

First cousin.

Uncle's daughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Uncle's daughter.
Cousin,
it

Uncle's daughter. b Cousin.
My cousin germain.
My cousin sister.
Cousin.

H

Daught. of pat. uncle. b Sist. pat.
Cousin.

My sister through paternal uncle.
Uncle's daughter my.

[dauehter.

Sister through pat. uncle. b Uucle's
My double birth sister.
Daughter of uncle my.
Daughter of paternal uncle my.

My father's brother's daughter.
Cousin my.

71. Father's brother's daughter's husband.

Translation.

72. Father's brother' s grandson.

Translation.

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n

34
:::.
M
87
88

Ziij bint ammi...
Zauj bint ammi.

Khutna d'amuwee

Horus yakepora toostriu arega .

Far ineeni drihar mahar

Cleeamhuin brathar m'athair...
Sheshey inneen braar my ayr...

Fy nghefnder

Shohari dukhtari&moo

Farbrodersdatters mand

Dottur madr fodurbrodur mins.
Farbrors dotters man

Cousin

Ooms .In. hti-r man

Ki'/.vn

Vedder

Vetter

Oheims tochter maun .

Mon cousin

Primo politico

Primo por affinidade ...

Aquistata cugiuo

Patrui filise vir

Auepsiasauer

Moj stryjeczny szwagier.

Mush moego dvoinrod naja sestra.

Amujamun kusunumk ojii.su

Keuza apch mun

Minn esa venna tutar meeft..
rirrkkuuT mies

Husband of daught. of pat. uncle my.

Son-in-law of paternal uncle my.
Father's brother's daught. husband.
Husb. of daught. of bro. of my husb.

My cousin.

Husb. of daught. of paternal uncle.

Uncle's daughter's husband.
Daughter's husb. of fath. bro. my.
Father's brother's daughter's husb.

Cousin.

Uncle's daughter's husband.

Cousin.

Cousin.
tt

Uncle's daughter's husband.

My cousin.

My cousin by courtesy.

Cousin by affinity.

Acquired con.-in.

Husband of son of paternal uncle.

Husband of cousin.

My broth.-in-law through pat. uncle.

My double-birth sister's husband.
Uncle's my daughter's husband.
Son-in-law of paternal uncle my.

My father's brother's daught. husb.
Cousin's my husband.

Ibn ibn ammi.

Ibu ilni umiui.

Nawiga d'amfiwee

Horus yakepora voretein voretin.

Mac mic drihar mahar

Kgha brathar m'athair

Mao mac braar my ayr

Mab fy nghefnder

Navadai amoo

Farbroders barnebarn

Sonar sour fodurbrodur mins.
Farbrors souson

Paternal uncle's grandson ..
Ooms klein zoon. b Neef....
Ooms groot zoon. b Kozyn.

Vcddurs soohu

Vetters sohn

Oheims eukel

Mon cousin sous-germain —

Sobrino

Primo distante

Secondo cugino?

Patrui nepos

Anepsiades?

Theiou eggonos

Moj stryjeczny bratanek.

Otrhicha bratanetz

Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiannik.

Amujainun oghlu

Torueh apeh mun

Minu esa vcnnii poeg.
Sorkkuni polka

Son of son of paternal uncle my.

Grandson of paternal uncle my.

Father's brother's son's son.

Sou of the s. of the broth, of my fath.

Grandchild of brother of my father.

Son of sou of brother of my father.

Son of my cousin.

Grandchild of paternal uncle.

Uncle's grandchild.

Son's sou of father's brother my.

Father's brother's sou's sou.

Uncle's grandson (father's side).
Uncle's granson. b Nephew.
Uncle's grandson. b Cousin.

Cousin's son.
i< it

Uncle's grandson.

My cousin's son.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Grandson of paternal uncle.

Cousin's son.

Uncle's grandson.

My nephew through paternal uncle.

From paternal uncle nephew.

My double birth nephew.

Son of uncle my.

Grandchild of paternal uncle my.

My father's brother's sou's son.
Son of my cousin.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

97

TAHLE I. — Continued.

73. Father's brother's granddaughter.

Translation.

74. Father's brother's great grandson.

Tra nblation.

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Bint ibn amiui.
Bint ibu amnii.

Niiwigta d'amuwee

Horus y&kepora too-trin toostra.

Ineean mic dribar mahar

Egha brathar m'athar

Inneen mac braar my ayr

Merch fy nghefuder

Navadai amoo

Farbroders barnebarn

Sonar dottir fodurbrodur rnins...
Farbrors dotter dotter

Paternal uncle's granddaughter.,
Ooms klein dochter. b Nicht —
Ooms groote doubter. * Nichte..

Vedders dochter

Vetters tochter

Oheims enkelin

Ma cousine sous-germaine

Sobrina

Prima distante

Seconda cugina ?

Patrui neptis

Anepsiade?

Thiuu eggone

Moja stryjeczna siostrzenca.

Otchicha bratanitza

Moja dvoinrodnaja plemiannitza.

Amujamiin kusu

Torneh. apeh iiiun

Minn esii venna poeg tutar.
Serkkuul tytar

Daughter of son of pat. uncle my.

Granddaughter of pat. uncle my.
Father's brother's dau. dau.
D. of the sou of the bro. of my dau.
Grandchild of brother of my father.
Daughter of son of bro. of iny father.
Daughter of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal uncle.

Uncle's grandchild.

Son's daughter of father's bro. my.

Father's brother's daughter's daught.

Uncle's granddan. (father's side).

Uncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
u a u

Cousin's daughter.

(( U

Uncle's granddaughter.

My cousin's daughter.

My niece.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Granddaughter of paternal uncle.

Cousin's daughter.

Uncle's granddaughter.

My niece through paternal uncle.

From paternal uncle niece.
My double birth niece.
Daughter of uncle my.
Grandchild of paternal uncle my.

My father's brother's son's daughter.
Cousin's my daughter.

Ibn ibn ibn ammi ,
Ibn ibn ibu ammi ,

Natija d'amtiwee

Horusyakeporeevoretein v.voretiu

Mac mic mic dribar mahar

lar ogha brathar m'athair

Mac mac mac braar my ayr

Wyr fy ngnefnder

.Niitijiii amoo

Farbroders barnebarns barn

Sonar sonar sonr fodnrbrodur mins
Farbrors sousous sou

Paternal uncle's great grandson...
Ooms achter klein zoon. b Neef...
Kyzyu. b Oomes groot groot zoon

Vedders kinds kind

Vetters enkel

Oheims grossenkel

Petit-fils de mon cousin

Sobrino

Primo distante

Terzo cugino?

Patrui pronepos

Anepsiou eggonos ?

Thiou proeggonos

Moj stryjeczny wnuk.,

Otchicha vnook [annik

Moi dvoiurodnyi vnuteha plemi-

Laveh t5rneh apeh num.

Minn esa venna poeg poeg poeg...
Serkkuni poian poika

Son of son of son of pat. uncle lay.

Great grandson of pat. uncle my.
Father's brother's sou's son's son.
Son of son of son of bro. of my fa.
Great grandchild of bro. of my fa.
Son of son of son of bro. of my fa.
Grandson of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal uncle.

Uncle's great grandchild.

Son's son's son of father's bro. my.

Father's brother's sou's son's sou.

U. great grandson (father's side).

Uncle's great grandson. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Uncle's great grandson.

Cousin's child's child.

Cousin's grandson.

Uncle's great grandson.

Grandson of my cousin.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Third cousin.

Great grandson of paternal un<;le.

Cousin's grandson.

Uncle's great grandson

My grandson through paternal uncle.

From paternal uncle grandson.

Son of grandchild of pat. uncle my.

My father's brother's son's son's son
Cousin's my sou's son.

75. Father's brother's great-granddaughter.

Translation.

70. Father's sister.

Translation.

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:w
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Bint bint bint ammi.
Bint bint bint ammi.

Natijta d'amuwee

Horns yakepora t. t. toostra

Ineean mic mio drihar mahar

lar ogha brathar m'athair

Inneeu mac mac braar my ayra...

Wyres fy nghefnder

Niitijiii amoo

Farbroders barnebarns barn. [mins
Dottur dottnr dottir fodurbroder
Farbrors dotters dotter dotter

P. uncle's gt. granddaughter

Oom achter klein douht. b Nicht
Nichte. b Ooms groote g. dochter

Vedders kinds kind

Vetters enkelin

Oheims grossenkelin

Petite-fille de ma cousiue

Sobrina

Prima distante

Terza cugina?

Patrui proneptis

Anepsion eggone ?

Theiou proeggone

Moja stryjeczua wnuczka.

Otchicha vnooka

Moja dvoiurodiiaja vnutcaatnaja

[plemiannitza

Keezit tSrneh apeh mnn

Min e?a venna poeg poeg tntiir —
Serlckmu polan tytar

D. of d. of d. of paternal uncle my.

Gr't granddanght. of pat. uncle my.
Father's brother's d. d. daughter.
D. of the son of son of bro. of my fa.
Great grandchild of bro. " " "

(( (( (t U It It II

Granddaughter of my cousin.
Great grandchild of paternal uncle.

Uncle's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of f. b. my.
Father's brother's daughter's dau.

Uncle's gt. granddau. (fa.'s side).

Uncle's great granddaught. b Niece.

Cousin. b Uncle's great grauddau.

Cousin's child's child.

Cousin's granddaughter.

Uncle's great granddaughter.

Granddaughter of my cousin.

My niece.

Distant cousin.

Third cousin.

Great granddaughter of pat. uncle.

Cousin's granddaughter.

Uncle's great granddaughter.

My granddaughter through p. u.

From paternal uncle granddaughter.

Dau. of grandchild of pat. u. my.

My father's brother's son's son's dau
Daughter of the son of my cousin.

Ammeti

Ammati

Doduathi. b Akhoth abhi

Uintee

Horus koverii

Driffur mahar

I'liinthar m'athair

Shuyr my ayr

Fy modryb

Ama ..... ............... .

Pitrshvasar

Faster

Fodnrsystermin

Faster

Fathe

Paternal aunt

Moeje. b Tante

Moej

Miihn. b Tante

Muhme. b Tante

Muhme. b Tante

Ma tante

Tia

Tia. b Tia carnal

Tia

Amita

Patradelphe. b Theia.

Theia

Mr>no teta

Moja ciotka

Ma tetka

Lyelya mi

Lelya mi

Moja tjotka

Hill ii- in

Ammeh mun

Nacy nencm

Minti esil odde

Tatiul

Nanne t

Paternal annt my.

K u u

Aunt my. b Sister of father my.
Paternal aunt my.
Father's sister.
Sister of my father.

My annt.
Paternal aunt.
Father's sister.
Annt (father's side).
Father's sister my.
Father's sister. Aunt.
Aunt.
Aunt (father's side).

My annt.

Aunt. b Blood aunt.

My aunt.

Paternal aunt.

Paternal aunt. Aunt.

Aunt.

My father's sister.

My aunt.

U K

Paternal aunt my

K li U

My aunt.

Aunt my (paternal).
Paternal aunt my.
Grand elder sister my.
My father's sister.
Aunt my.

13

November, 1869.

98

SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY.

TABLE I. — Continued.

77. Father's sister's husband.

Translation.

78. Father's sister's son.

Translation.

I

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Aral ammeti
Zauj aminati

1 1 ii.-liand of paternal aunt my.

It (( It U II

(1 II II II II
Father's sister's husband.
Husband of sister of my father.

Son of paternal aunt my.
it it it u

Son of aunt my.
Son of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's son.

Son of sister of my father,
ii u it u

u u ii ii

My cousin.
Son of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's sou.
Cousin.
Sister's son of father my.
Father's sister's sou. Cousin.
Cousin germain.
First cousin.
Aunt's son. * Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's son.
Cousin,
u

Aunt's son. * Cousin.
My cousin.
My cousin's brother.
Cousin's brother.
Cousin.
Son of paternal aunt. b Cousin.

Cousin,
u

My brother through paternal aunt.

Aunt's son my.
Paternal aunt's son my.
My double birth brother.
Son of paternal aunt.
Son of paternal aunt my.

My father's sister's sou.
Cousin my.

Ben dodhathl

Bruna d'umtee

Horns crocha voretin

Far driffur mahar

Mac driffer mahar

Fear phiuthar m'athair

u u ii u u

My uncle.
Husband of paternal aunt.

Father's sister's husband.
Husband of father's sister my.
Father's sister's husband.

Uncle.
Aunt's husband. Uncle.

Uncle.
(i

Uncle.
Husband of my aunt.
My uncle.
My nncle (by courtesy).
Uncle. * Uncle by affinity.
Acquired nncle.
Husband of paternal aunt.
ii ii ii it

My father's sister's husband.

My uncle.
ii it

Uncle my.
u it

My nncle.
Brother-in-law my.
Husband of paternal uncle my.

My father's sister's husband.
Aunt's my husband.

Mac phiuthar m'athair
Mac shuyr my ayr

Poosiiri ama

Fatter. b Sodskendebaru

M H fod

Systur sonr fodur rnins

a u sys ur

Faster's son. b Syskoubarn

(Swor?)

Cousin. b Paternal aunt's son
Moejes zoon. b Neef

Kozyn. b Moejes zoon

Vedder

Muhme sohn. b Vetter

Primo hermano

Cugino

Amitae films. * Amitinns.

Manoteterus

Moi djadja

79. Father's sister's son's wife.

Translation.

80. Father's sister's daughter.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
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20
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23
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25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Wife of son of paternal uncle my.

II U II II II

Daughter-in-law of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's son's wife.
Wife of sou of sister of my father.

Daughter of paternal aunt my.
ii ii it it

Daughter of aunt my.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister daughter.
Father's sister of my father,
u it u ii
it ii u it
My cousin.
Daughter of paternal aunt.
Father's sister's daughter.
Cousin.
Sister's daughter of father my.
Father's sister's daughter. b Cousin.

First cousin.
Aunt's daughter. * Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's daughter.
Cousin.
Cousin (father's side).
Aunt's daughter. f Cousin.
My cousin.
My cousin-sister.

Cousin.

ii

Daughter of paternal aunt. b Cousin.

Cousin.

ii

My sister-in-law through pat. aunt.

Aunt's daughter my.
Paternal aunt's daughter.
My double birth sisti-r.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
ii (i it it ii

My father's sister's daughter.
Cousin my.

Kelta d'nmtee

Bath dodhathl

Ban mic driffur mahar

Ineean mo driffer mahar

Bean mac phinthar m'athair

ii ii ti ii u u
My cousin.
Wife of son of paternal aunt.

Cousin's wife.
Wife of sister's son of father my.
Father's sister's sou's wii'e.

Cousin.
Aunt's son's wife.

Niece.

Cousin,
u

Aunt's son's wife.
My cousin.
My cousin by courtesy.
Cousin by affinity.
Acquired cousin.
Wife of sou of paternal aunt.
Wife of cousin.

My sister-in-law through pat. aunt.

Wife of my double birth brother.
Wife of son of aunt my.
Daughter-in-law of pat. aunt my.

My father's sister's son's wife.
Cousin's my wife.

Nighean phiuthar m'athair

Dukhtari ama

Fasters dotter. b Syskoubarn
Cousin. * Paternal aunt's daught.

Nichte

Nichte

Base

Mahme sohnsfrau

Ma cousine

Prima politica

Prima por afflnidade

Aqnistella cugiua

Amitae filii uxor

Anepsiou guno

Moja cioteczna bratowa

Shena moega dvoinrodnaja brata..
Halam ogluuum kariisu

Lelina dushtera

Bookeh iiimijtth mini

Minn es5 odde poeg naine

Serkkunl vaimo

OF T1IE HUMAN FAMILY.

99

TABLE I. — Continued.

81. Father's sister's daughter's husband.

Translation.

82. Father's sister's grandson.

Translation.

9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Zoj bint ammeti...
Zauj bint ammati.

Khutna d'umtee

llorus crocha toostra arega

Far ineeni mo driffer mahar. ....
Cleeamhiun phiuthar m'athair.
Sueshey inneen shuyr my ayr...

Fy Nghefnder

Shohari dukhtari ama

Sb'dskendebarns husbond

Madr systurdottur fodur mins.
Fasters dotters man

Cousin ,

Moejes dochters man.

Kozyn

Vedder

Vetter

Muhme toehterrnann.,

Mon cousin

Primo politico

Prime por affinidade..

Aquistata cugino

Amitae filiae vir

Auepsias aner

Moj cioteczny szwagier.

Mush moego dvoiurodnaja sestra.,

Huliim kusunum kojiisu

Zavii iiuimeli uiuu

Minn esa odde tutiir mees.
Serkkum mies

Husband of daught. of pat. aunt my.

Son-in-law of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's daughter's husband.
Husband of d. of sister of my father.

My cousin.

Husband of daughter of pat. aunt.

Cousin's husband.

Husb. of sister's daught. of fath. my.

Father's sister's daughter's husband.

Cousin.

Aunt's daughter's husband.

Cousin.
K

Cousin.

Aunt's daughter's husband.

My cousin.

My cousin by courtesy.

Cousin by affinity.

Acquired cousin.

Husband of daught. of pat. aunt.

Husband of cousin.

My brother-in-law through p. aunt.

Husband of my double birth sister.
Aunt's my daughter's husband.
Son-in-law of paternal aunt my.

My father's sister's daughter's husb.
Cousin's my husband.

Ibn ibn ammeti .
Ibu ibn ammati .

Nawigee d'umtee

Horus crocha voretein voretin.

Mac mic driffer mahar

Egtia phiuthar m'athair

Mac mac shuyr my ayr

Mab fy nghefnder

Navadai ama

Pasters baruebarn

Sonar sonr fodursystur minuar.
Pasters sonson

Paternal aunt's grandson

Moejes klein zoou. b Neef.

Kozyn. b Moejes groot zoon

Vedders Soohu. b Nichtes Soohn.
Vetters Sohn.

Muhme enkel

Mon cousin sous-gerinain

Sobrino

Primo distante

Secoudo cugino

Amitae nepos

Anepsiades

Theias eggonos

Moj cioteczny bratanek.

Lelina vnook

Moi dvoiurodnyi plemianuik

Halam oghlu

TSrneh arnnieh muu

Minu esa odde poeg poeg.
Serkkuui poika

Son of son of paternal aunt my.

Grandson of paternal annt my.

Father's sister's sou's son.

Son of son of brother of my father.

Son of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal aunt.

Aunt's grandchild.

Son's son of father's sister my.

Father's sister's sou's sou.

Aunt's grandson (father's side).

Aunt's grandson. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Aunt's grandson.

Cousin's son. b Cousin's sou (f.)

Cousin's son.

Aunt's grandson.

My cousin's son.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Grandson of paternal aunt.

Cousin's son.

Aunt's grandson.

My nephew through paternal aunt.

Paternal aunt's grandson.
My double birth nephew.
Son of paternal aunt my.
Grandchild of paternal aunt my.

My father's sister's son's son.
Cousin's my son.

83. Father's sister's granddaughter.

Translation.

84. Father's Bister's great grandson.

Translation.

1
2
8
4
5
G
7
8
9

10
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31
32
33
34
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86
37
38
39

Bint ibn ammeti.
Bint ibn ammati.

Nawigtee d'umtee

Horus crocha voretiu toostra

lueean mic drifter mahar

Ogha phiuthar m'athair

Inneen mac shuyr my ayr

Merch fy nghefnither

Navadai ama

Fasterg barnebarn

Dottur dottir fodursyster miunar..
Fasters dotter dotter

Paternal aunt's granddaughter....
Moejes klein dochter. b Nicht. ...
Nichte. b Moejes groote dochter..
Vedders dochter. b Nichter doch.

Vetters tochter

Muhme enkel in

Ma cousine sous-germaine

Sobrina

Prima distante

Seconda cugina

Amitae neptis

Auepsiadu

Theias eggoiie

Moja cioteczna synowiec.

Lelina vnooka

Moja dvoiuroduaja plemiannitza.

Hiilam kusu

Torneh amnieh mun

Minu esa odde poeg tutar..
Serkkuui tytar

Daught. of sou of paternal annt my.

Granddaughter of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's sou's daughter.
Daughter of son of sister my father.
Grandchild of sou of sister of my fa.
daughter of son of sister of my father.
Daughter of my cousin.
Grandchild of paternal aunt.

Father's sister's grandchild.
Daughter's daught. of fa. sister my.
Father's sister's daughter's daught.

Aunt's granddaughter (father's side),
Aunt's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's granddaughter.

Cousin's daughter.

tt tt

Aunt's granddaughter.

My cousin's daughter.

My niece.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Granddaughter of paternal aunt.

Cousin's daughter.

Aunt's granddaughter.

My niece through paternal aunt.

Paternal aunt's granddaughter.
My double birth niece.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.
Grandchild of paternal aunt my.

My father's sister's son's daughter.
Cousin's my daughter.

Ibn ibn ibn ammeti.
Ibu ibn ibn ammati.

Natija d'umtee

Horus crocha voretein v. voretin..

Mac mic mic driffer mahar

lar ogha phiuthar m'athair

Mac mac mac shuyr my ayr

Mab wyr fy nghefnder

Natijai ama

Fasters barnebarns barn [nar

Sonar sonar sonr fodursysturmin-
Fasters sonson son

Paternal aunt's great grandson....
Moejes achter klein zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Moejes groot groot zoon

Vedders kinds kiud

Vetters enkel

Muhme grossenkel

Petit-fils de mon cousin

Sobrino

Primo distante

Teszo cugino

Amitae pronepos

Anepsiou eggonos ?

Theias proeggouos

Moj cioteczny wnuk .

Lelin prevnook [miannik

Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple-

Laveh tSrneh ammeh mun .

Minn esa odde poeg poeg poeg..
Serkkuni poian polka

Son of sou of son of pat. annt my.

Great grandson of paternal aunt my.
Father's sister's son's son's son.
Son's son's son's sister of my father.
Great grandchild sister of my father.
Daught. of sou of son of son of iny fa.
Grandson of my cousin.
Great grandchild of paternal aunt.

Father's sister's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of father's sister my.
Father's sister's son's sou's sou.

Aunt's great grandson (fath. side).

Aunt's great grandson. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Aunt's great gramlson.

Cousin's child's child.

Cousin's grandson.

Aunt's great grandson.

Grandson of my cousin.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Third cousin.

Great grandson of paternal uncle.

Cousin's grandson.

Aunt's great grandson.

My grandson through paternal annt.

Paternal uncle's great grandson.

Son of grandchild of pat. aunt my.

My father's sister's son's son's son.
Cousin's my sou's son.

100

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

85. Father's sister's great grandson's
daughter.

Translation.

86. Mother's brother.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
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27
28
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30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Daught. of d. of d. of paternal aunt.
u t* ti tt ft

Great granddaught. of pat. aunt my.
Father's sister's daughter's dau. dau.
Son of son of son of sister of my fa.
Gt. grandchild of sister of my father.
Danght. of son of s. of sister of my fa.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
Great grandchild of paternal aunt.

Father's sister's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of fath. sister my.
Father's sister's dau. dau.' dau.

Aunt's gt. granddaught. (fath. side).
Aunt's gt. grauddaught. b Niece.
Cousin. b Aunt's gt. granddaught.
Cousin's child's child.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Aunt's great granddaughter.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
My niece.
Distant cousin.
Third cousin.
Gt. granddaughter of paternal aunt.
Cousin's granddaughter.
Aunt's great granddaughter.

My granddaughter through pat. aunt.

Paternal aunt's great granddaughter.
My double birth grandchild niece.

Dau. of grandchild of pat. aunt my.

My father's sister's son's son's dau.
Cousin's my daughter's daughter.

Khali

Maternal uncle my.
tt tt ft
tt tt tt
tt it tt
Mother's brother.

Brother of my mother,
tt tt tt

tt tt tt
My uncle.

Maternal uncle.

tt tt

Uncle (mother's side).
Mother's brother my.

Uncle.
Uncle (mother's side.)

Uncle.
tt

tt

tt
tt

My uncle.
My uncle maternal.
Uncle. b Blood uncle.
Uncle.
Maternal uncle. b Uncle.
Maternal uncle.
Uncle.
My mother's brother.

My uncle,
tt tt

Uncle my.
tt tt

My uncle.
Maternal uncle my.
tt tt tt

Grand elder brother my.
My mother's brother.
Maternal unulo my.

Kliiili

Ineean mic mio driffer inahar

I nneeii mac mac mac shuyr my ayr

Haloo

Matula b Matrbhratar

Dotturd. dottirfodursysturininDar
Fasters dotters dotters dotter.

Paternal annt's gt. granddaughter
Moejes aohter klein doch. b Nicht
Niohte. b Moejes groote g. docht.

Earn

Ooin

Ohm. b Onkel

Oheim. b Onkel. ° Ohm
Oheiin. b Onkel

Tio. b Tio carnal

Tio

Metros. b Metradelphoa. c Thios.
Theios..[dPatrokosignetosuaimos ?

Muj ujec

Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutchatnaja
[plemiannitza

Dayi-m

Minn esa odde poeg poeg tutar
Serkkuni tyttaren tytar

EuOiiT

87. Hother'i brother's wife.

Translation.

88. Mother's brother's son.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
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21
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23
24
25
26
27
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29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ararat khali ..

Wife of maternal uncle my.
tt ft « ft (t

Wife of brother of mother my.
Wife of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's wife.

Wife of brother of my mother,
ft tt n it it tt

tt d u n ft ft

My aunt.
Wife of maternal uncle.

Uncle's wife.
Wife of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's wife.

Aunt.
Uncle's wife. b Aunt.
Aunt.

ft
u

My uncle's wife.
My aunt.
My aunt by courtesy.
Aunt. b Aunt by affinity.
Acquired aunt.
Wife of maternal uncle.

f ( 1 ( tf

My mother's brother's wife.
My aunt,
ft it

Aunt my.
tt tt

My aunt.
My uncle's wife.
Wife of maternal uncle my.

Wife of maternal uncle my.

Ibn khali

Son of maternal uncle my.
ft tt ft tt tt

Son of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's son.

Son of brother of my mother.

tt tt tt ft tt tt

Zaujat khali

Ibu khali . .

EshSth • khi imtni

Briina d'khilumee

Bakhta d'khalumee

Fy modryb

My cousin.
Son of maternal uncle.
Maternal uncle's son.
Cousin.
Son of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's son. b Cousin.

First cousin.
Uncle's son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Uncle's sou.
Cousin,
tt

Uncle's son. '• Cousin.
My cousin.

Cousin-brother,
tt tt

Cousin.
Son of maternal uncle. b Cousin.
Cousin,
tt

My brother through maternal uncle.
Uncle's son my.

My double birth brother.

Son of maternal uncle iny.
tt tt tt tt tt

My mother's brother's son.
Cousin my.

Zani haloo

Morbroders hustrue

Matulaputra

Kona modurbrodur mins

Cousin. b Maternal uncle's son..

Ooms vrouw. b Tante

Moej

Miihn. b Tante

Muh me. b Taute

Ma tante

Tia politica

Tia. b Tia por affinidade

Aquistella tia

Avuuculi filius. b Consobrinus...

Metradelphou guue

Protos exadelphos

Ma tetka

Vuyna mi

Moja tjotka

Khiil zhiineh mun

Davim ogh'.u

EnonT vaiinO

OP TIIE 11 U MAN FAMILY.

101

TABLE J. — Continued.

89. Mother's brother's son's wife.

Translation.

90. Mother's brother's daughter.

Translation.

i

2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
IB
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Amrat ibn khali..
Zaujat ibn kb.ii.li.

Caltii d'khaliiwe

Morus yilkepora voretin gena....

Ban mic driliar mo valiar

Bt-an mic brathar mo m'hathair.

Hen mac braar my moir

Fy Nghefnither.

Ziui poosilri haloo

Fatter's hustrue

Sonar kona modurburodur uiins.
Morbrors sous hustru

Cousin

Ooins zoous vrouw

Nicbte

Nichte

Base

Oheims schwiegertochter.

Ma cousiue

Priina politica

Prima por affinidade

AquUtella cugina

Avuncnli filii uxor

Auepsiou gune

Moja wujeczna bratowa.

Sliena moega dvoiurodn.rjabrata.,

Diiyine ogblunum kiirusu

Bookeh khilleh

Wife of son of maternal uncle my.

Danghter-in-law of maternal uncle.
Mother's brother's son's wife.
\\ife of son of bro. of my mother.

Serkkuni vaim5.

My cousin.

Wife of son of maternal uncle.

Cousin's wife.

Son's wife of mother's brother my.

Mother's brother's son's wife.

Cousin.

Uncle's son's wife.

Niece by marriage.

Cousin.

«

Uncle's daughter-in-law.

My cousin.

My cousin by courtesy.

Cousin by affinity.

Acquired cousin.

Wife of son of maternal uncle.

Wife of cousin.

My sister-in-law through mat. unc.

Wife of my double birth brother.
Wif« of son of uncle my.
Daughter-in-law of mat. unc. my.

Wife cousin's my.

Bint khali .
Bint khali .

Briita d'khaluwee

Morus yiikepora toostra

Ineean driliar mo vahar

Nighean brathair mo m'brathair...

Inneen braar my nioir

Fy Nghefuither

Dukhtiiri haloo

Matulapntri

Siklskendebarn

Dottir modurbrodurmins

Morbrors dotter. b Syskonban. ...

Cousin. b Mat. uncle's daughter.

Ooms dochter. b Nk-ht

Nichte. b Ooms dochter

Nichte

Base. b Muhmchen

Oheims tochter. b Base

Ma cousine

Prima hermana

Prima

Cugina

Avnnculi filia. b Consobrina

Anepsia. b Kase ?

Prote exadelphe

Moja wujeozna siostra.
Bratoochetka mi

Moja dvoiurodnajasestra.

Diiyine kusu

Keezil khiileh iiiuu

Sarkuni. b Orpanani.

Daughter of maternal uncle my.

Mother's brother's daughter.
Daughter of brother of my mother.

tt (( II U it tl

ft II II tt (t ((

My cousin.

Daughter of maternal uncle.
Maternal uncle's daughter.
Cousin.

Daughter of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's daughter. Cons.

First cousin.

Uncle's daughter. ' Niece.

Niece. b Uncle's daughter.

Cousin.

it

Uncle's daughter. b Cousin.
My cousin.
Cousin-sister.
Cousin.
u

Daughter of mat. uncle. b Cousin.
Cousin.

My sister through maternal uncle.
Uncle's daughter my.

My double birth sister.
Daughter of maternal uncle my.

il U U tt t<

Cousin my.

1. Mother's brother's daughter's husband.

Translation.

92. Mother's brother's grandson.

Translation.

10

11

12
13
14

15
16

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211

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Zoj bint khali...
Zauj bint khali.

Khutna d'khaluwee

Morus yiikepora toostra arega

Far ineeni dribar mo vahar

Cleeamhuin brathair mo rn'hathar
Sheshey imieeu braar my nioir....

Fy Nghefnder

Skohari dukhtari haloo

Sodskendebarns husbond

Madr brodnrdottur niodur mius...
Morbrors dotters man

Cousin

Ooms dochters man

Kozyn

Vedder

Vetter

Oheims schwiegersohn.

Mon cousin

Primo politico

Primo por affinidade....

Aquistata ougino

Avunculi filiae vir

Auepsias aner

Moj wujeczny szwagier.

Mush moegodvoiurodnaja sestra.

Dayim kusunum kojiisu

Zilvii khiileh mun

Serkuni mies.

Husband of daught. of m. uncle my.

Son-in-law of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's daught. husband.
Husband of dan. of bro. of my husb.

My cousin.

Husband of daught. of mat. uncle.

Cousin's husband.

Husband of brother's d. of m. my.

Mother's brother's daughter's husb.

Cousin.

Uncle's daughter's husband.

Cousin.

Uncle's son-in-law.

My cousin.

My cousin by courtesy.

Cousin by affinity.

Acquired cousin.

Husband of dau. of maternal uncle.

Uusband of cousin.

My brother-in-law through m. uncle.

Husband of my double birth sister.
Husband of daughter of uncle my.
Son-in-law of maternal uncle my.

Cousin's my husband.

Ihn ibn khali .
Ibu ibu khali.

Nawiga d'khaluwee

Morus yakepora voretein voretin...

Mac mic driliar mo vahar

Ogha brathar mo m'hathair

Mac mac braar my moir

Mab fy nghefuder

Navadai haloo

Morbroders barnebarn

Sonar sour modurbrodurmins

Morbrors souson

Maternal uncle's grandson

Ooms klein zoou. b Neef

Kozyn. b Ooms groot zoon

Vedders soohn. b Niclites soohn.

Vetters sohn

Oheims enkel

Men cousin sous-germain

Sobrino

Primo distante

Secoudo cugino

Avunculi nepos

Anepsiades

Theiou eggonos

Moj wujeezny bratauek.

Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiannik .

Dilyim oghlii

TOrueh khaleh mun

Minu emii vennii poeg poeg.
Serkkum polka,

Son of sou of maternal uncle my.

Grandson of maternal uncle niy.

Mother's brother's son's son.

Son of son of brother (if my mother.

Grandchild of brother of my mother.

Sou of son of brother of my mother.

Son of .my cousin.

Grandchild of maternal uncle.

Uncle's grandson (mother's side).
Son's son of mother's brother my.
Mother's brother's son's son.

Uncle's grandson (mother's side).
Uncle's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Uncle's grandson.

Cousin's son.

<t u

Uncle's grandson.

My cousin's son.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Grandson of maternal uncle.

Cousin's son.

Uncle's grandson.

My nephew through mat. uncle.

My double birth nephew.
Son of maternal uncle my.
Grandchild of maternal uncle nay.

My mother's brother's son's son.
Cousin's my son.

102

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

Mother's brother's granddaughter.

Translation.

94. Mother's brother's great grandson.

Translation.

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39

Bint ibn khali.

liiiit ibukhiili.

NUwigta d'khiiluwee

Morns yakepora toostrin toostra...

Ineean mic drihar mo vahar

Ogha brathar mo m'hathair

Inneen mac braar my moir

Merch fy nghefuither

Navadai haloo

Morbroders barnebarn

Dottur dottir modurbrodur mins..
Morbrors dotter dotter

Maternal uncle's granddaughter..

Ooms klein dochter. " Nicht

Nichte. * Oouis groote dochter...
Vedders dochter. b Nichtes doch.

Vetters tochter

Oheims enkelin

Ma cousin sous-germaine

Sobrina

Prima distante

Seconda cugina

Avunculi neptis

Anepsiade

Theiou eggone

Moja wujeczna syuosvica.

Moja dvoiurodnaja plemiannitza.

Dayine kusu

TSrueli khaleh mun

SerkkunT tytar .

Daughter of son of mat. uncle my.

Granddanght. of maternal uncle my.
Mother's brother's daught. danght.
Daught. of sou of bro. of my mother.
Grandchild of brother of my mother.
Daughter of son of my mother.
Daughter of my cousin.
Granddaughter of maternal uncle.

Uncle's grandchild.

Daughter's d. of mother's bro. my.

Mother's brother's daught. daught.

Uncle's granddaughter (m. s.)
Uncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Uncle's granddaughter.
Cousin's daughter.
ti tt

Uncle's granddaughter.

My cousin's daughter.

My niece.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Granddaughter of maternal uncle.

Cousin's daughter.

Uncle's granddaughter.

My niece through maternal uncle.

My double birth niece.
Daughter of maternal uncle my.
Grandchild of maternal uncle my.

Cousin's my daughter.

Ibn ibn ibn kha'.i.
Ibn ibu ibn khali.

Natijad'khaluwee

Morus yakepora voretein v. voretin

Mac mic mic drihar mo vahar

lar ogha brathar ruo m'hathar

Mac mac mac braar my moir

Wyr fy nghefnder

Natijai haloo

Morbroders barnebarns barn

Sonar sonar sour modurbrodur mins
Morbrora sonsons son

Maternal uncle's great grandson .
Ooms achter klein zoon. b Neef..
Kozyn. b Ooms groot groot zoou..

Vedders kinds kind

Vetters enkel

Oheims grossenkel

Le petit-fils de mon cousin

Sobrino ,

Primo distante

Terzo cngino

Avuncnli pronepos

Anepsiou eggonos ?

Theiou proeggonos

Moj wujeczny wnuk .

Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple-

[miannik.

Laveh tSrneh khaleh mini

SerkkunI potan poika. .

Sou of son of sou of mat. uncle my.

Gt. grandson of maternal uncle tny.
Mother's brother's son's son's son.
Son of son of s. of bro. of my mother.
Gt. grandchild of bro. of my mother.
Son of son of s. of bro. of my mother.
Grandson of my cousin.
Gt. grandchild of maternal uncle.

Uncle's great grandchild.

Son's son's sou of mother's bro. my.

Mother's brother's sou's son's son.

Uncle's gt. grandson (mother's side).

Uncle's gt. grandson b Nephew.

Cousiu. b Uncle's great grandson.

Cousin's child's child.

Cousin's grandson.

Uncle's great grandson.

The grandson of my cousin.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Third cousin.

Gt grandson of maternal uncle.

Cousin's grandson.

Uncle's great grandson.

My grandson through mat. uncle.

My double birth grandson nephew.
Sou of grandchild of mat. uncle my.

Cousin's my son's son.

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7

95. Mother's brother's great granddaughter.

Bint bint bint khali.
Bint bint bint khali.

Natijta d'khaluwee

Morns y. toostiin t. tooster

IneSan mie mic drihar mo vahar..

lar ogha brathar mo m'hathar

Inneen mac mac braar my moir...

Wyres fy nghefnither

Natijai haloo

Morbroders barnebarns barn

Dottur d. dot tir mod nrbrodur mins
Morbrors dotters dotter dotter

Maternal uncle's gt. granddanght.
Ooms achter klein dochter. b Nidi t
Nichte. b Ooms groote g. dochter

Vedders kinds kind

Vettera enkelinn

Oheims grossenkelin..'.

La petite-fille de mon cousin

Sobrina

Prima distante

Terza cugina

Avunculi proneptis

Anepsion eggone

Theiou proeggone

Moja wujeczna wnuczka.

Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutchatnaja
[ 'pleiniaiinitza.
Keeza tOrneh khilleh muu

S-t-rkkuni tyth'iren tytar.,

Translation.

Daught. d. of d. of mat. uncle my.
*t it u it tt tt

Gt. granddaugnt. of mat. uncle my.
Mother's brother's dau. dau. dau.
Uau. of son of s. rff bro. of my moth.
Great grandchild of my mother.
Danght. of son of son of my mother.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
Great grandchild of mat. uncle.

Uncle's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of m. brother my.
Mother's brother's dau. dau. dau.

Uncle's great granddaughter (m. s.).

Uncle's gt. granddaughter. b Niece.

Niece. " Uncle's gt. granddaughter.

Cousin's child's child.

Cousin's granddaughter.

Uncle's great granddaughter.

The granddaughter of my cousin.

My niece

Distant cousin.

Third cousin.

Great granddaughter of mat. uncle.

Cousin's granddaughter.

Uncle's great granddaughter.

My granddaughter through m. uncle.

Dau. of grandchild of m. uncle my.
Cousin's my daughter's daughter.

96. Mother's sister.

Khaleti

Khalati

" Khoth iiumi

Khultee

Morns kovera

Driffurmo vahar

Phiuthar mo m'hathair.

Shuyr my ayr ,

Fy modryb

Hala

Matershvasar

Moster

Modursystirmin

Moster

Moddrie. b Modrie

Maternal aunt

Moeje. b Tante

Moej

Mo'hn. b Tante

Muhme. b Tante

Muhme. b Tante

Ma tante

Tia materna

Tia. b Tia carnal

Tia

Matertera

Metrapdelphe. b Theia.

Theia

MTino teta

Moja ciotka

Ma tetka

Tetka mi

Tetka mi

Moja tjotka

Diaza-m

Khiileh mun

Nagy nenem

Minu ennii odde

Tati...

Translation.

Maternal aunt my.

Mother's sister.
Sister of my mother.

My aunt.
Maternal aunt.
Mother's sister,
tt it

Mother's sister my.
Mother's sister.
Maternal aunt.
Aunt (mother's side).
Aunt.

My aunt.

My aunt maternal.

Aunt. b Blood aunt

Aunt.

Maternal annt.
u tt

Aunt.

My mother's sister.

My aunt.

t< it

Aunt my.
it tt

My aunt.
Maternal annt my.

tt tt tt

Grand elder brother my.
My mother's sister.
Aunt.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

103

TABLE I. — Continued.

97. Mother's sister's husband.

Translation.

8. Mother's sister's son.

Translation.

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Z6j khaieti

Zauj khalati

Ish * klioth Immf

Gorii d'khultee

Morns crochus arega

Kar driffiir mo vahar

Fear phiuthar mo m'hathair.

Sheshey shuyr my inoir

Fy ewyrtli

Shohari hala

Mosters husbond

Madr modursytur minnar.
Mosters man

Husband of maternal aunt my.

Mother's sister's husband.
Husband of sister of my mother.

My uncle.

Husband of maternal aunt.

Mother's sister's husband.
Husband of mother's sister my.
Mother's sister's husband.

Ibn Khaieti.
Ibn Khalati.

Uncle

Moejes man. b Oom

Oom

Ohm. » Onkel

Oheim. b Onkel. c Ohm ,

Meiner mnhme gatte

Mon oncle

Tio politico

Tio. b Tio por affinidade..,

Aquistata tio

Materterae vir

Metradelphe aner

Uncle.

Aunt's husband.

Uncle.

b Uncle.

Moj wnj

Muj ujec

Tetin mi

Tetin mi

Moi djadja

Knisbte-m

Mereh khaleh mun.

TatlnT mies.

My aunt's husband.

My uncle.

My uncle by courtesy.

Uncle. b Uncle by affinity.

Acquired uncle.

Husband of maternal aunt.

My uncle.

U ((

Uncle my.
it (i

My uncle.

Brother-in-law my.

Husband of maternal uncle my.

Husband of my aunt.

Briina d'khultee

Morus crocha voretin

Mac driffur mo vahar

Mac phiuthar mo m'hathair

Mac shuyr my moir

Fy Nghefnder ,

Poosari hala

Matershvasriya

Fatter. b Sodskendebarn

fystur sonr modur miunar

Mosters son. b Syskonbarn

(Swor ?) Modrigan sunn

Cousin. Maternal aunt's son

Moejes zoon. b Neef

Kozyn. b Moejes zoon

Vedder

Vetter. b Geschwisterkind ,

Muhme sohn. b Vetter

Mon cousin

Prinio hermano

Primo irmao

Cugino

Materterse filius. b Consobrinus.,

Anepsios. b Kasis? ,

Protos exadelphos

Moj cioteczny brat.

Bratovchemi

Tetun sin. b Sestrenche.

Moi dvoiurodnyi brat

Diazameoghlu

Laveh khaleh mun

Minu emil odde poeg —
Serkkuni. b Orpanani.

Son of maternal aunt my.

Mother's sister's son.

Son of sister of my mother.

My cousin.

Son of maternal annt.

Mother's sister's son.

Cousin.

Sister's son of mother my.

Mother's sister's son. b Cousin.

(Cousin?) Maternal aunt's son.

First cousin.

Aunt's son. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Aunt's son.

Cousin.
u

Aunt's Bon. b Cousin.

My cousin.

My cousin-brother.

Cousin-brother.

Cousin.

Son of maternal aunt. b Cousin.

Cousin.

My brother through maternal aunt.

Aunt's son my.

Maternal aunt's son. b Cousin.
My double birth brother.
Son of maternal aunt my.

My mother's sister's son.
Cousin my.

99. Mother's Bister's son's wife.

Translation.

100. Mother's sister's daughter.

Translation.

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Ararat ibn khaieti .
Zaujat ibn kluihiti.

Calta d'khultee

Morus crocha voretein gena

Ban mic driffer mo vahar

Bean mic phiuthar mo m'hathair

Ben mac shnyrmy moir

Fy nghefnither

Zaui poosari hala

Patters hustrue

Sonar kona molursystur niinnar..
Mosters sous Lustru

Cousin

Mojes zoons vrouw

Nii'hte :

Nichte

Base

Muhme schwiegertochter.

Macousine

Prima politica

Prima por affinidade

Aquistella cugina

Materti'rse filii uxor

Anepsiou gune

Moja cioteczna bratowa.,

Shena moego dvoiurodnaja brata..

Diazam oghlunum karusu

Bookeh khaleh mun

Serkknni vaimo.

Wife of son of maternal aunt my.

Daughter-in-law of mater, aunt my.

Mother's sister's son's wife.

Wife of son of sister of my mother.

My cousin.

Wife of sou of maternal aunt.

Cousin's wife.

Son's wife of mother's sister my.

Mother's sister's sou's wife.

Cousin.

Aunt's son's wife.

Niece.

Cousin.

H

Aunt's daughter-in-law.

My cousin.

My cousin by courtesy.

Cousin by affinity.

Acquired cousin.

Wife of son of maternal aunt.

Wife of cousin.

My sister-in-law through mat. aunt.

Wife of my double birth brother.
Wife of son of maternal aunt.
Daughter-in-law of maternal aunt.

Wife of my cousin.

Bint khaieti.
Bint khalati.

Brata d'khultee

Morus crocha toostra

Ineean driffer mo vahar

Nighean phiuthar mo m'hathair..,

Inneen shuyr my moir

Fy nghefnither

Dukhtaribala

MatrshvasriyS,

Sodskendebarn

Systurdottir inodur minnar

Mosters dotter. » Syskoubarn

Cousin. Maternal aunt's daught.

Moi-jes dochter. b Nicht

Nichte. b Moejes dochter

Nichte

Base. bMuhrnchen. "Biischeu..

Muhme tochter. b Base

Ma consine

Prima hermana

Prima

Cugina

Materterse filia. b Cousobrina

Anepsie. b Kase ?

Prote exadelphe

Moja cioteczna siostra.

Bratovchetka mi

Tetuna dushtera

Moja dviourodnaja sestra.

Diazam kuzu

Keesa khaleh mun

Minu ema odde tutlir...
Serkkuul. b Orpanani.

Daughter of maternal aunt my.

Mother's sister's daughter.
Daughter of sister of my mother.

My cousin.

Daughter of maternal aunt.

Mother's sister daughter.

Cousin (mother's side).

Lister's daughter of mother my.

Mother's sister's daughter. b Cousin

First cousin.

Aunt's daughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's daughter.
Cousin.
«

Aunt's daughter. b Cousin.

My cousin.

Cousin-sister.

Cousin.

H

Daughter of mat. aunt. b Cousin.
Cousiu.

My sister through maternal aunt.

Aunt's daughter my.
Maternal aunt's daughter.
My double birth sister.
Daughter of paternal aunt my.

My mother's sister's daughter.
Cousin my.

104

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

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101. Mother's sister's daughter's husband.

7.6} bint khaleti....
Zauj bint khiilati ,

Khntna d'khultee

Morus croolia toostriu arega

Far ineenl driller mo vahar

Cleeamhiun phiutliar mo ru'hathair
Sheshey inneen shuyr my moir...

Fy nghefnder

Shohari dukhtari hala

Siidskendebarns liusbond

Madr systurdottur modur minnar
Musters dotters man

Cousin

Moejes dochters man....

Kozyn

Vedder

Vetter

Muhrae schwiegersohn.

Mon cousin

Pri mo politico

Primo por affinidade....

Aquistata cngino

Materterie filiae vir

Auepsiou aner

Moj cioteozny szwagier.

Mash moego dvoinrodnaja sestra. .

Diazam kuzunum kojasu

Zavah khaleh muu

Serkkuul mies.,

Translation.

Husband of dauglit. of mat. aunt my.

Son-in-law of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's daughter's husband.
Husb. of daught. of sist. of my uioth.

My cousin.

Husband of daughter of mat. aunt.

Cousin's husband.

Husb. of sister's danght. of mo. my.

Mother's sister's daughter's husband.

Cousin.

Aunt's daughter's husband.

Cousin.

Aunt's son-in-law.

My cousin.

My cousin by courtesy.

Cousin by affinity.

Acquired cousin.

Husband of daught. of mat. aunt.

Husband of cousin.

My broth. -in-law through mat. aunt.

Husband of my double birth sister.
Aunt's my daughter's husband.
Son-in-law of maternal aunt my.

Cousin's my husband.

102. Mother's sister's grandson.

Ibn ibn khaleti..
Ibu ibu khiilati.

Nawiga d'khultee

Morus crocha voretein voretin

Mac mic driffer mo vahar

Ogha phiuthar mo m'liathair

Mac mac shuyr my moir

Mai) fy nghefnder

Navadai hala

Mosters barnebarn

Sonar sonr modursystur minnar...
Mosters soiison

Maternal aunt's grandson

Moejes klein zoou. b Neef.

Kozyn. b Moejes groot zoon

Vedders soohn. b ISichtes soohn

Vetters sohn

Muhme enkel

Mon cousin sous-germain

Sobrino

Primo distante

Secondo cugino

Materterse uepos

Anepsiades

Theias eggonos

Moj cioteczny bratanek.

Tetum vnook :

Moi dvoiurodnyi plemiaunik.

Diazam oghlu

Torneh khaleh mun

Minu ema odde poeg poeg..
Serkkunl poika

Translation.

Son of sou of maternal aunt my.

Grandson of maternal aunt my.

Mother's sister's son's son.

Son of sou of sister of my mother.

Grandchild of sister of my mother.

Son of son of sister of my mother.

Son of my cousin.

Grandchild of maternal aunt.

Mother's sister's grandchild.
Son's son of mother's sister my.
Mother's sister's son's sou.

Aunt's grandson (mother's side).
Aunt's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Aunt's grandson.
Cousin's son.
«( n

Aunt's grandson.

My cousin's son.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Grandson of maternal aunt.

Cousin's son.

Aunt's grandson.

My nephew through maternal aunt.

Maternal aunt's grandson.
My double birth nephew.
Son of maternal aunt my.
Grandchild of maternal aunt my.

My mother's sister's son's son.
Cousin's my sou.

103. Mother's sister's granddaughter.

Translation.

104. Mother's sister's great grandson.

Translation.

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•2
I

4
B

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7
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9

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32
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34

Be

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39

Bint ibn khaleti.
Bint ibn khalati.

Nawigta d'khultee

Morus crocha toostrin toostra

Ineean mic driffer mo vahar

Ogha phiuthar ino m'hathar

Inneen mac shuyr my moir

Mereh fy nghefuither

Navadiii hala

Mosters barnebarn

Dottur dottir modursystur minnar
Mosters dotters dotter

Maternal aunt's granddaughter....
Moejes klein dochter. b Nicht....
Nichte. b Moejes groote dochter.
Vedders dochter. b Nichle docht.

Vetters tochter

Muhme enkelin

Ma cousine sous-germaine

Sobrina

Prima distante

Seconda cugina

Matertera neptis

Anepsiade

Theias eggone

Moj a cioteczna siostrzenica .

Tetuna vnooka

Moja dvoiurodnaja plemiannitza..

Iiiit/.iim kusu

TBrueh khaleh muu

Serkknn! tytar.,

Daughter of son of mat. aunt my.

Granddaughter of maternal aunt my.
Mother's sister's daughter's daught.
Daught. of sist. of sist. of uiy moth.
Grandchild of sister of my mother.
Daught. of son of sist. of my mother,
Daughter of my cousin.
Daughter of maternal aunt.

Mother's sister's grandchild.
Daughter's d. of maternal sister my.
Mother's sister's daughter's daught.

Aunt's granddaughter (moth. side).
Aunt's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Aunt's granddaughter.
Cousin's daughter.
<t it

Aunt's granddaughter.

My cousin's daughter.

My niece.

Distant cousin.

Second cousin.

Granddaughter of maternal aunt.

Cousin's daughter.

Aunt's granddaughter.

My niece through maternal aunt.

Maternal aunt's granddaughter.
My double birth niece.
Granddaughter of maternal aunt my,
Grandchild of maternal aunt my.

Cousin's my daughter.

Ibn ibn ibn khaleti.
Ibu ibn ibn khalati.

Natija d'khultee

Morus crocha voretein v. voretin..

Mac mic mie driffer mo vahar

lar ogha phiuthar mo m'liathair...

Mac mac mac shuyr my moir

Wyr fy nghefnder

Natijai hala

Mosters barnebarns barn [nar.

Sonar sonar sonr modursytur miu-
Mosters sonsous son.

Maternal aunt's great grandson...
Moejes achter klein zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Moejes groot groot zoou

Vedders kinds kind

Vetters enkel

Muhme grossenkel

Le petit-fils de mou cousin

Sobrino

Primo distante

Terzo cugino

Materterae pronepos

Anepsiou eggonos ?

Theias proggonos

Moj cioteczny wnuk.

Tetun prevnook

Moi dvoiurodnyi vnutchatnyi ple-
[miannik
Liiveh torneh khaleh mun

Serkkunt poian poika.

Son of son of son of mat. aunt my.

Great grandson of mat. aunt ray.
Mother's sister's son's son's son.
Son of son of p. of sist. of my mother.
Gt. grandchild of sist. of my mother.
Son of son of s. of sist. of my mother.
Grandson of my cousin.
Great grandchild of maternal aunt.

Mother's sister's great grandchild.
Son's son's son of mater, sister my.
Mother's sister's son's son's sou.

Aunt's gt. grandson (mother's side).

Aunt's great grandson. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Aunt's great grandson.

Cousin's child's child.

Cousin's grandson.

Aunt's great grandson.

The grandson of my cousin.

My nephew.

Distant cousin.

Third cousin.

Great grandson of maternal aunt.

Cousin's grandson.

Aunt's great grandson.

My grandson through maternal aunt.

Maternal aunt's great grandson.

My double birth grandson-nephew.
Son of grandchild of mat. aunt my.

Son's son of my cousin.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

105

TABLE I. — Continued.

10,5. Mother's Bister's great granddaughter.

1

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3

4
5
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7
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9

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27
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31
32
33
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35
36
37
38
39

Bint hint bint kluileti.
Biut bint biiit khiiliiti.

Natijta d'khnltee

Mortis crocha toostrin t. toostra....
Ineean mic mic driffermo vahar...
lar oglia phiuthar mo ni'hathair..
Inneen mac mac shuyrmy moir...

Wyres fy nghefnither

Natijiiihala

Mosters barnebarns barn..[minnar
Dottur dottur dottir inodursystur
Mosters dotters dotter dotter

Maternal annt's gt. granddaught.
Moejes aehter klein doeh. b Nicht
Niehte. b Moejes groote g. docht.

Vedders kinds kind

Vetters enkelinn

Muhnie grossenkelin

La petite-fllle de ma cousine

Sobrina

Prima distante

Terzaougina

Materterse proneptis

Anepsiou eggone ?

Theias proeggoue

Moja cioteczna wnuczka..

Tetuna prevnooka

Moja dvoiurodnaja vnutihatiiaja

[plemiannitza.

Keeza torneh khilleh luuu

Serkkuni poiau tytar.

Translation.

Daught. of d. of d. of mat. aunt my.

Gt. granddaughter of mat. aunt my.
Mother's sister's dau. dau. dau.
Daught. of s. of s. of sist. of iny mo.
Gt. grandchild of sist. of my mother.
Dau. of son of son of bro. of my mo.
Granddaughter of my cousin.
Gt. grandchild of maternal aunt.

Aunt's great grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of mat. sister my.
Mother's sister's dau. dau. dau.

Aunt's gt. granddaughter (in. s.)

Aunt's gt. granddaughter. b Niece.

Niece. Aunt's gt. granddaughter.

Cousin's child's child.

Cousin's granddaughter.

Aunt's great granddaughter.

The granddaughter of ruy cousin.

My niece.

Distant cousin.

Third cousin.

Gt. granddaughter of maternal aunt.

Cousin's granddaughter.

Aunt's gt. granddaughter.

My granddaught. through mat. aunt.

Maternal aunt's great granddaughter.
Dau. of grandchild of mat. aunt my.
Daughter of the son of my cousin...

106. Father's father's brother.

Amm abi —
Akhu jaddi.

Akhona d'sawunee

Metz horus yakepira...
Drihar mo ban ahar....
Brathair mo sheauair.

Braar ayr my ayr

Brawd fy hendad

Farfaders broder.
Afa brodir luinn.
Karfars bror

Paternal great uncle

Oud oom

Groot oom

Bess vadera brohr. b Vaders ohm

Gross oheim

Gross oheirn. b Gross onkel

Mon grand-oncle

Tio abnelo

Tio avo

Provo

Patruus magnus

Megas theios .

Moj Zimny dziadek .
Muj prestryc

Deda mi

Moi djed

Dgdcniin karndashu .
Bra bavkaleh mun... .

Tso setanl..

Translation.

Paternal uncle of father my.

Brother of grandfather my.
Grandfather's brother.
Brother of my grandfather.

Grandfather's brother.
Grandfather's brother my.
Grandfather's brother.

Great uncle (father's side).
Great uncle.
K it

Grandfather's bro. b Father's uncle.
Great uncle.

it n

My great uncle.

My uncle-grandfather.

Uncle-grandfather.

Great uncle.

Great paternal uncle.

Great uncle.

My cold grandfather.
My great uncle.

Grandfather my.
My grandfather.
Grandfather's my brother.
Brother of grandfather uiy.

Great uncle my.

107. Father's father's brother's son.

Translation.

10S. Father's father's brother's daughter.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
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8
9

10
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Hi
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39

Ibn ammi abi ...
Ibn akhi jaddi.

Brfin'a d'akhSna d'sawunee... .
Metz horus yiikepora voretiu.

Mac drihar mo hau ahar

Mac brathar mo sheanair

Faders fatter

Brodur sonr afa mins.
Farfars brorson

Paternal great uncle's son.

Oud ooms zoon

Groot oouis zoon

Vaders vedder

Gross oheims sohu

Gross oheims sohn

Le fils de inon grand-oncle.

Patrni magni films... .
Megalou theiou pais.
Moj ximny stryj

Moi dvoiurodnyi djndja...
Laveh bra. bavkaleh mun.

TsanT serkkn.

Son of paternal uncle of father my.
Son of brother of grandfather my.

Son of the brother of grandfather my.
Grandfather's brother's son.
Son of brother of my old father.

Father's cousin.

Brother's son of grandfather my.

Father's father's brother's son.

Great uncle's son (father's side).

<( it d

Great uncle's son.
Father's cousin.

Great uncle's son.
u <( tt

The son of my great uncle.

Son of great paternal uncle.
Son of great uncle.
My cold uncle.

My double birth uncle.

Son of the brother of grandfather my.

Father's my cousin.

Bint ammi abi —
Bint akhi jaddi.

Daught. of pat. uncle of father my.
Daught. of bro. of grandfather my.

Brata d'akhona d'sawunee Daught. of the bro. of grandfath. my

Metz horus yiikepora toostra Grandfather's brother's daughter.

Ineean drihar mo han ahar i Daught. of brother of my grandfath.

Nigheau brathar mo sheauair

Faders sodskandebarn..
Brodur dottir afa mins.
Farfar brosdotter

Paternal gt. uncle's daughter.

Oud ooms dochter

Groot ooms dochter

Vaders nichte

Gross oheims tochter

Gross oheims tochter

La fille de mon graud-oncle

Patrui magni filia. ...
Megalou theiou pais.
Moja zinnia ciotkn...

Moja dvoiurodnaja tjotka.
Keeza bra biivkaleh mun..

Tsn.nl my serkku.

Father's cousin.

Brother's daught. of prandfath. my.

Father's father's brother's daughter.

Great uncle's daught. (father's side),
it ti 11 it 11

Great uncle's daughter.
Father's cousin.
Great uncle's daughter,
it ti it

The daughter of my great uncle.

Daughter of great paternal uncle.
Daughter of great uncle.
My cold aunt.

My double birth aunt.

Daught. of the bro. of my grandfath.

Father's my cousin.

14

K"ovember, I860.

106

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I.— Continued.

109. Father's father's brother's grandson.

Translation.

110. Father's father's brother's grand-
daughter.

Translation.

9

10

11
12
IS

1-1
u

16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ammi abi : Son of sou of pat. uncle of father uiy.

Ibn ibu akhi jaddi Sou of son of bro. of grandfather my.

Nawiga d'akhOna d'sawunee..[tin

Grandson of the bro. of gd. father my.

Metz horus yakepora voretein vore- Grandfather's brother's son's eon.

Mac mic drihar mohan ahar.,
Ogha brfithar mo sheanair .

Faders falters siin

Sonar sour brodur afa mins

Farfars brorsons son

[uncle's grandson
Second cousin. h Paternal great
Oud ooms klein zoon. b Neef.
Kozyn. * Groot ooms groot zoon..

Vadders vedders soohn

Gross obeims enkel

Gross oheims enkel

Le petit-fils de mon grand-oncle...

Primo segnndo

Primosegundo

Secondo cugino

Patrni maguinepos

Denteros exadelphos

Moj zimny stryjeczny brat.

Moi trojurodnyi brat

T5rneh bra, bavkalek muu.

Tsani Berkknni polka.,

Son of s. of s. of bro. of n:y gd.fat her.
Grandchildof s. of bro. ot my gd.l'ath.

Father's cousin's son.

Sou's son of bro. of grandfather my.

Father's father's brother's sou's son.

Second cousin.

Great uncle's grandson. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Gt. uncle's grandson.

Father's cousin's son.

Great uncle's grandson.

ti (( U

The grandson of my great uncle.
Second cousin.

Grandson of great paternal uncle.

Second cousin.

My brother through cold uncle.

My treble birth brother.
Grandchild of the bro. of gd. fath. my.

Son of cousin of father my.

Bint ibn ammi abi Dan. of son of p. uncle of father my.

Bint ibn akhi jaddi Dau. of son of bro. of gd. father my.

NawigtadakhBna d'sawunee..[tra Gd. dau. of the bro. of gd. father my.

Metz horus yakepora toostriii toos- Grandfather's brother's dau. dan.

Ineean mic drihar mo ban ahar... Dau. of son of bro. of my old father.

Ogha brathar nio aheanair Grandchild of bro. of my gd. father.

Faders fatters datter

Dottur dottir brodur afa mins

Farfars brorsons dotter

[uncle's granddaughter.
Second cousin. b Paternal great
Oud ooms klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Groot ooms groote doch.

Vadders nichtes dochter

Gross oheims enkelinn

Gross oheims enkelin

La petite-fille de mou grand-oncle

Prima segunda

Prima segunda

Seeouda cugina

Patrui magni neptis

Deutera exadelphe.

Moj a zinnia stryjeczna siostra.

Moja trojurodnaja sestra. ...
TOrneh brii bavkalek num.

TsanT serkkuni tytar.

Father's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's dau. of bro. of gd. fath. my
Father's father's bro. sou's daughter

Second cousin.

Gt. uncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. uncle's granddaughter.
Father's cousin's daughter.

Great uncle's granddaughter.
« tt it

The granddaughter of my gt. uncle.
Second cousin.

Granddaughter of gt. paternal uncle.

Second cousin.

My sister through cold uncle.

My treble birth sister.

Grandchild of the bro. of gd.fath. my.

Daughter of cousin of father my.

111. Father's father's brother's great
grandson.

Translation.

112. Father's father's brother's great
granddaughter.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
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23
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25
26
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29
30
31
32
33
M
'.',:,

M

37
M

3:1

Ibn ibn ibn ammi abi...,
Ibn ibn ibn akhi jaddi.

Natijii d'akh&na d'sawunee

Metz horus y. voretein v. voretin
Mac mic mic drihar mo ban ahar
lar ogha brathar mo shenair

Faders fatters barnebarn

Sonar sonar sonr brodur afa mins
Farfars brorsons sonson

Paternal gt. uncle's gt. grandson
Oud ooms acbter klein zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Groot ooms gt. gt. zoon
Vaders vedders kinds kind.

Gross oheims urenkel

Gross oheims grossenkel

L'arriere petit-fils de mon grand-
[oncle

Patrui magni pronepos

Megalou theiou proeggonos

Moj zimny stryjeczny bratanec. ...

Moi trojnrodnyi plemiannik

Laveh torneh btii bavkaleh mun...

Tsani serkkun poTan potkii .

Son of son of son of p. u. of fath. my.
Son of B. of s. of bro. of gd. fath. my.

Gt. gd. son of the bro. of gd. fath. my.
Gd. father's brother's son's sou's son.
Son of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. fath.
Gt. grandchild of bro. of my gd. fath.

Father's cousin's grandchild.

Son's son's son of bro. of gd. fath. my.

Father's father's bro. son's son's son.

Gt. uncle's gt. grandson (fath. side).
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. uncle's gt. grandson.
Father's cousin's child's child.
Great uncle's great grandson.

(( U It ft

The great grandson of my gt. uncle.

Gt. grandson of gt. paternal uncle.
Great grandson of great uncle.
My nephew through cold uncle.

My treble birth nephew.

Son of the grandchild of the brother
[of grandfather my.

Father's my cousin's son's son.

Bint bint bint ammi abi...
Bint bint bint akhi jaddi.

Natijii d'akhSn'si d'sawQnee

Metz horus y. toestrin t. toostra ...
Ineean mic mic drihar mo hau ahar
lar ogha brathar mo sheanair

Faders fatters barnebarn

Dottur d. dottir brodur afa mins..
Farfars brorson dotter dotter

Pat. gt. uncle's gt. granddaughter
Oud ooms achter k. dock. ' Nicht
Nichte. b Gt. ooms gte. gte. doch.

Vaders nichtes kinds kind

Gross oheims urenkeliun

Gross oheims grossenkelin

L'arriere-petite-fille de mou grand-
[oucle

Petrui magni proneptis

Megalou theiou proeggone

Moja zimna stryjeczna siostrzenica

Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza...
Keezii tBrnek brii bavkalek mun...

TsanT serkkun poian tytar

Dau. of d. of d. of p. u. of fath. my.

Dau. of d. of d. of bro. of gd. fath. my.

[grandfather my.

Gt. granddaughter of the brother of
Grandfather's bro. dau. dau. dau.
Dau. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. lath.
Great grandchild of brother of my
[grandfather.

Father's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of bro. of gil. f. my.
Father's father's bro. son's dau. dau,

Gt. uncle's gt. granddaughter (f. s.).
Gt. uncle's gt. granddaught. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. uncle's gt. granddau.
Father's cousin's child's child.

Great uncle's great granddaughter.
n n <( «

The gt. granddaught. of my gt. uncle.

Gt. granddau. of gt. paternal uncle.
Gt. granddaughter of great uncle.
My niece through cold uncle.

My treble birth niece.

Daughter of grandchild of the bro-
ther of grandfather my.

Father's my cousin's son's daughter.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

107

TABLE I. — Continued.

113. Father's father's sister.

Translation.

114. Father's father's sister's son.

Translation.

1

2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34

(IB

3G
37
38
39

Paternal aunt of father my.
Sister of grandfather my.

tt tt tt it
Grandfather's sister.
Sister of my grandfather.
Sister of my ancestral old father.
Sister of the father of my father.

Grandfather's sister.
Grandfather's sister my.
Father's father's sister.

Great aunt (father's side).

if tt ' tt tt

Great aunt.
Grandfather's sister. b Father's aunt.
Great aunt (father's side),
tt tt tt tt

My great aunt.
My grandfather-aunt.
Grandfather-aunt,
tt tt

Paternal great aunt.
Great aunt.

My cold grandmother.
My great aunt.

Grandmother my.
My great aunt.
Grandfather's sister my. '
Sister of grandfather my.

Great aunt my.

Son of paternal aunt of father my.
Son of sister of grandfather my.

tt tt tt tt
Grandfather's sister's son.

Son of sister of my grandfather,
ft tt tt tt

Father's cousin.
Sister's sou of grandfather my.
Father's father's sister's son.

Great aunt's sou (father's side).
ft tt tt tt tt

Great aunt's son.
Father's cousin.
Great aunt's sou.
tt tt tt

The son of my great aunt.

Son of paternal great annt.
Son of great aunt.
My cold paternal uncle.

My double birth uncle.
Son of the sister of grandfather my.

Great aunt's my son.

Ikht jaddi

Ibn ikhti jaddi

Bruna d'khatii d'sawunee

Metz horus kooera

Phiuthar mo han sheanair

Afa systur miu

Paternal great aunt

Groot inoej

Bess vaders sister. b Vaders inohn
Gross muhme. b Grosstante

Gross muhme. b Grosstante

Tia avo

Moja zimna babka

Ma prestyua

Baba mi

DedemTn kuzkarndashu

Laveh khooshkeh bavkaleh. mun
Tso tJ-UTiri poika

Khooshkeh bavkaleh

Tso tatini

1
2
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31
32
33
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36
37
38
39

ll.j. Father's father's sister's daughter.

Translation.

116. Father's father's sister's grandson.

Translation.

Daughter of pat. aunt of father my.
Daughter of sister of grandfather my.

tt tf tt tt it

Grandfather's sister's daughter.
Daughter of sister of my grandfather,
tt tt tt tt

Father's cousin.
Sister's daughter of grandfather my.
Father's father's sister's daughter.

Great aunt's daughter (father's side),
ft ti tt tt tt

tt ft tt tt tt

Father's cousin (father's side).

Great aunt's daughter,
ti ft ft

The daughter of my great aunt.

Daughter of paternal great aunt.
Daughter of great aunt.
My cold aunt.

My double birth aunt.

Daughter of the sister of grandfather
[my.

Daughter of great aunt my.

Son of son of pat. aunt of father my.
Sou of sou of sister of grandfath. my.
[my.
Grandson of the sister of grandfather
Grandfather's sister's son's son.
Son of son of sister of my grandfath.
Grandchild of sister of my grandfath.

Second cousin.

Father's cousin's son.
Son's son of sister of grandfather my.
Father's father's sister's sou's son.

Second cousin.
Great aunt's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Great aunt's grandson.
Father's cousin's son.
Great aunt's grandson,
ft tt tt

The grandson of my great aunt.
Second cousin,
tf ft
tt tt
Grandson of paternal great aunt.

Second cousin.
My brother through cold aunt.

My treble birth brother.

Grandchild of the sister of grand-
father my.

Son of cousin of father my.

Bint ikhti jaddi

Mets horus crocha voretein voretin

Ineean driffer mo ban ahar

Nighin phiuthar mo shean athar..

Ogha phiuthar mo sheen athar....
Cyfferder. (Pro. Keverdther)

Farfars systers dotter

Paternal great aunt's daughter....

[aunt's grandson
Second cousin. b Paternal great
Oud moejes klein zoon. b Neef. ...
Kozyn. b Groote moejes groot zoou

Vaders nichte

Gross muhme tochter

Le petit-fils de ma grand* tante....

Moja zimna ciotka ?

Keeza kooshkeh bavkaleh mun....

T8rneh kooshkeh bavkaleh mun...

108

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

117. Father's father's sister's grand-
daughter.

Translation.

118. Father's father's sister's great grand-
son.

Translation.

1

2
3
4

5
6

7
8
9

10

11

12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
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26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Bint bint ammet alii..
Bint bint ikhti jiiddi..

Nawigta d'khata d'sawflnee'

Melz horus crocha toostrin toostra
Ineean inic driffer mo ban ahar...
Ogba phiuthar mo sheau at liar....

Cyfferders .

Faders falters datter

Dottur dottir systur afa mins

Farfars systers dotter dotter

[granddaughter

Second cousin. b Pater, gt. aunt's
Oud moejes klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. docht.

Vaders nichtes dochter

Gross inuhme enkelinn

Gross muhme enkelin

La petite-fille de ma grand' tante

Prima segunda

Prima segnnda

Seconda cngina

Auntie rnagnae neptis

Dentera exadelphe.

Moja zinnia cioteczna siostra

Moja trojurodnaja sestra

T6rneh khooshkeh bavkaleh mun

Ts&nT serkkun tytar

Dau. of d. of pat. aunt of father my.
Dau. of d. of sister of gd. father my.

Ga. dau. of the sister of gd. fath. my.
Grandfather's sister's dau. daut.
Daut. of sister of sister of my gd. fa.
Grandchild of sister of my gd. father.

Second cousin.

Father's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's d. of sister of gd. fath. my.
Father's father's sister's dau. dau.

Second cousin.

Gt. aunt's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. aunt's granddaughter.
Father's cousin's daughter.

Great aunt's granddaughter.
n ft it

The granddaughter of my great aunt.
Second cousin.

Granddaughter of pat. great aunt.

Second cousin.

My sister through cold aunt.

My treble birth sister.

Grandchild of the sister of gd. fa. my.

Father's my cousin's daughter.

Ibn ibn ibn ammet abi.
Ibn ibn ibn ikhti jaddi.

Natijii d'khata d'sawunee [tin

Metz horus crocha voretein v. vore-
Mac mic mic driffer mo ban ahar
lar ogha phiuthar mo shean athar

Faders falters barnebarn

Sonar sonar sour systur afa mins
Farfars systers sonsous son

Paternal gt. aunt's gt. grandson...
Oud moejes acbterk. zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Groote moejes gt. gt. zoon

Vaders vedders kinds kind

Gross muhme urenkel

Gross muhme grossenkel

L ' arricre-petit-fils de ma grand'
[laute

Amitse inagiue pronepos

Megalou Iheia proeggonos

Moj zimny ciolneczny siostrzeniec

Moi trojurodnyi plemiennik

Laveh tSrneh khooshkeh bavka-
[leh mun

Tsani serkkun tyttaren polka

S. of s. of s. of pat. aunt of fath. my.
S. of s. of s. of sister of gd. fath. my.

Gt. gd. son of the sister of g. f. my.
Grandfather's sister's son's son's son
S. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. fath.
Gt. grandchild of sister of my gd. f.

Father's cousin's grandchild.
Son's son's sou of sisler of gd. f. my.
Father's father's sisters's son's son's

[sou.

Gt. aunt's gt. grandson (fath. side).
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. aunt's gt. gt. gd. son.
Father's cousin's child's child.

Great aunt's great grandson,
it tt tt tt

The gt. grandson of my great aunt.

Gt. grandson of paternal great aunt.
Great grandson of great aunt.
My nephew through cold aunt.

My treble birth nephew.

Sou of grandchild of the sister of
[grandfather my.

Father's my cousin's daughter's son.

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119. Father's father's sister's great grand-
daughter.

Bint bint bint ammi abi ...
Bint bint bint ikhti jaddi.

Natijta d'khata d'sawQuee [tra

Metz horns crocha toostriu t. toos-
Ineean mio mic driffer moban ahar
lar ogha phiulhar mo sheau athar

Faders falters barnebarn

Dottur d. dottir systur afa mius...
Farfars systers sonsons dotter

Pat. gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter
Oud moejes acht. k. doch. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. gte. doi-h,

Faders nichtes kinds kind

Gross mnhme urcnkelinn

Gross mnhme prossenkelin

L'arriere-petite fille de ma grand'
[tante

Amitffl magnae proneptis

Megalou theias proeggong

Moja zirr.na cioteczna siostrzenica

Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza...

Keezii turner, kooshkeh biivkiileh
[muu

Tsani serkkun tyttaren tytar

Translation.

D. of d. of d. of pat. aunt of fath. my.
D. of d. of d. of sist. of gd. father my.

Gl. granddaught. of sister of g. f. my.
Grandfather's sister's dau. dau. dau.
Dau. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. f.
Gt. grandchild of sister of my gd. f.

Father's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of sister of gd. f. my.
Father's father's sister's son's son's
daughter.

Gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter (f. s.)
Gt. aunt's gt. granddaught. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. aunt's pt. granddaught.
Father's cousin's child's child.

Great aunt's gt. granddaughter,
it it it ti

The gt. grauddaught. of my gt. aunt.

Gt. gd. daughter of pat. great aunt.
Gt. granddaughter of great aunt.
My niece through cold aunt

My treble birth niece.

Dau. of d. of d. of sister of gd. f. niy.

Father's my cousin's daught. daught.

120. Mother's mother's brother.

Khal ummi .
Akhu sitti..

Akhona d'nanee

Metz morus yiikepira

Drihar mo han vahar

Brathair mo shean m'hathar

Braar moir my moir

Brawd fy henfan

Mormoders broder .
Ommubrodir min..
Mormors bror

Maternal great uncle

Oud oom

Groot coin

Bess mohders brohr. b Moders ohm

Gross oheim

Gross oheim. b Grossonkel

Mou grand oucle

Tio abnela

Tio avo

Tio ava

Arunculns magnus

Megas Iheios.

Moj zimny dziadek.
Mfij predujec

Deda mi ..............

Moi djed ..............

NBnBnim ..............

Bra diipeereh mun.

Tso BnonT..

Translation.

Uncle of mother my.
Brother of grandmother my.

Grandmother's brother.
Brother of my grandmother.

Grandmother's brother.
Grandmother's brother my.
Mother's mother's brother.

Great uncle (mother's side),
tt tt tt tt

Great uncle.

Grandmother's bro. h Mother's uncle.

Great uncle (mother's side).
tt ft tt tf

My greal uncle.

My grandmother-uncle.

Grandmother-uncle,
tt tt

Maternal great uncle.
Great uncle.

My cold grandfather.
My great uncle.

Grandfather my.
My great uncle.
Grandmother's my brother.
Brother of grandmother my.

Great uncle's my.

OF THE HUM AX FAMILY.

109

TABLE I. — Continued.

121. Mother's mother's brother's son.

Translation.

122. Mother's mother's brother's daughter.

Translation.

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Iti
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39

Ibn khal iimmi.
Ibn akhi sitti ...

Briina d'akhBna d'nanee

Metz moms yiikepora voretin

Mac drihar mo lian vahar

Mac brathar mo shean m'hather..

Moders fatter

Brodur sour ommu minna.,
Mormors brorson

Maternal great uncle's son.

Oud ooms zoon

Groot ooms zoon

Mohders redder

Gross oheimrf sohn

Gross oheims sohn

LB fils de niou grand oncle.

Avunculi magni fill us .
Megalou theiou pais. ...
Moj zimny wuj

Moi dvojurodnyi djadja..
Laveh bra dapereh mun.

Tso 6nonl polka.

Son of maternal uncle of mother my.
Sou of brother of grandmother my.

Grandmother's brother's son.

Son of brother of my grandmother.

Son of brother of niy mother.

Mother's cousin.

Brother's son of grandmother.

Mother's mother's brother's son.

Great uncle's son (mother's side).

Mother's cousin (mother's side).
Great uncle's son.

n a it

The son of my great uncle.

Son of maternal great uncle.

Sou of great uncle.

My cold maternal uncle.

My double birth uncle.

Son of brother of grandmother my.

Great nncle's my son.

Bint khal ummi.
Bint akhi sitti....

Briltii d'akhona d'nanee

Metz morus yiikepora toostra

Ineean drihar mo han vahar

Nighiu brathar mo shean mhathar

Moders sodskendebarn

Brodur dottir ommu minna.
Moruiors brorsdotter

Maternal great uncle's daughter.

Oud ooms dochter

Groot ooms dochter

Mohders nichte

Gross oheims tochter

Gross oheims tochter

La fille de mou grand oncle ,

Avunculi magni filia.
Megalou theiou pais..
Moja zimna ciotka....

Moja dvojurodnaja tjotka.
Keezii bradilpeereh mun..

Tso enonl tytar.,

Daught. of mat. uncle of mother my.
Dauyht. of bro. of grandmother my.

Grandmother's brother's daughter.
Daught. of brother of my gd. mother.

Mother's cousin.

Brother's daughter of gd mother my

Mother's mother's brother's daught.

Gt. uncle's daughter (mother's side),

Mother's cousin (mother's side).

Great uncle's daughter.
tt n u

The daughter of my great uncle.

Daughter of maternal great uncle.
Daughter of great uncle.
My cold aunt.

My double birth aunt.

Daught. of brother of gd. mother my.

Great uncle's my daughter.

123. Mother's mother's brother's grandson.

Translation.

124. Mother's mother's brother's graud-
daughter.

Translation.

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39

Ibn ibn khal iimmi.
Ibn ibn akhi sitti...

Nilwiga d'akhona d'nanee. ..[retin
Mt'tz morus yiikepora voretein vo-

Mac inic drihar mo han vahar

Ogha brathar mo sheau m'hathar

Cyfferder.

Moders falters son

Sonar sour ommnbrodnr mius

Mormors brorsous son

Second cousin. b M. g. u. g. Bon..

Oud ooms klein zoon. b Neef

Kozyn. b Groot ooms groot zoon.

Mohders veddera soohn

Gross oheims enkel

Gross oheims enkel

Le petit-fils de mon grand oncle..

Primo segundo

Primosegundo

Secondo cugino

Avunculi magni nepos

Deuteros exadelphos

Moj zimny wujeczuy brat.

Moi trojurodnyi brat

TBrneh bra dapeereh mun.

AltTnl serkkun poTkii

S. of s. of mat. uncle of mother my.
S. of s. of brother of grandmother my.

Gd. son of the bro. of gd. mother my.
Grandmother's brother's son's son.
Son of son of bro. of my gd. mother.
Grandchild of bro. of my gd. mother.

Second cousin.

Mother's cousin's son.

Son's son of gd. mother's bro. my.

Mother's mother's brother's son's s.

Second cousin.

Great uncle's grandson. b Nephew.

Cousin. b Great nncle's grandson.

Mother's cousin's son.

Great uncle's grandson.

II U II

The grandson of my great uncle.
Second cousin.

Grandson of maternal great uncle.

Second cousin.

My brother through cold mat. uncle.

My treble birth brother.

Grandchild of the brother of grand-
[mother my.

Mother's my cousin's son.

Bint ibn khal iimmi.
Bint ibn akhi sitti...

Nawigta d'akhona d'nanee [tra

Metz morus yiikepora toostrin toos-
Ineean mic drihar mo han vahar..
Ogha brathar mo shean mhathar..

Cyfferders.

Moders fatters datter

Dottgr dottir ommubrodur mins.
Mormors brorsons dotter...

Second cousin. bM. g. u. gd. dan.
Oud ooms klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gt. ooms groote dochter

Mohders nichte dochter

Gross oheims enkelinn

Gross oheims enkelin

La petite-fille de mon grand oncle

Prima segunda

Prima segunda

Seconda cugina

Avunouli magni neptis

Dentera exadelphe

Moja zimna wujeczna siostra. .

Moja trojurodnaja sestra. ..
TSrneh bra dapeereh mun.

AltTnl serkkun tytitr

Dau. of s. of mat. uncle of moth. my.
Dau. of s. of bro. of gd. mother my.

Gd. dan. of the bro. of pd. mo. my.
Gd. mother's brother's dau. dan.
Dau. of son of bro. of my gd. mother.
Gd. child of bro. of my grandmother.

Second cousin.

Mother's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's d. of g. in. brother my.
Mother's mother's bro. son's dau.

Mat. gt. uncle's gd. daughter (m. s.)
Gt. nncle's granddaughter. b Niece.
Niece. b Great uncle's gd. daughter.
Mother's cousin's daughter.
Great uncle's granddaughter.
it it tt

The gd. daughter of my gt. uncle.
Second cousin.

Gd. daughter of mat. great uncle.

Second cousin.

My sister through cold mat. uncle.

My treble birth sister.

Grandchild of the brother of prand-
[mother my

Mother's my cousin's daughter.

110

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

125. Mother's mother's brother's great
graudson.

Translation.

126. Mother's mother's brother's great
granddaughter.

Translation.

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39

Ibn ibn ibn khal ummi.
Ibn ibn ibn akhi sitti....

Natija d'akhona d'nanee

Metz morus yakepora v. v. v

Mac mic mic drihar tnohan valiar

lar ogha brathar mo sheau m'hat-

[har

Moders falters barnebarn

Sonar sonar sonr ommnbrodurmin
Mornuors brorson souson

Maternal gt. uncle's gt. grandson
Ond iicniis achter k. zoon. b Neef
Kozyn. b Gt. ooms pt. groot zoou

Moliders vedders kinds kind

Gross oheiins urenkel

Gro?s oheims grossenkel

L'arriere petit-tils de mon gr. oucle

Avnnculi magni pronepos

Megalon theiou proeggonos

Moj zimny wnjeczuy bratanec

Moj trojnrodnyi p'emiannik

Laveh tfirneh bra dapeereh mun...

Aitml serkkun poian poikii

S. of s. of s. of mat. uncle of mo. my.
S. of s. of 8. of bro. of gd. mo. my.

Gt. grandson of the bro. of g. m. my.
Grandmother's brother's son's s. s.
S. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. mo.
Gt. gd. child of bro. of my gd. mo.

Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Son's son's son of g. m. brother my.
Mother's mother's brother's son's
[son's son.

Gt. uncle's gt. grandson (m. s.).
Gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. uncle's gt. grandson.
Mother's cousin's child's child.
Great uncle's great grandson.
<t <( ti n

The gt. grandson of my great uncle.

Gt. grandson of mat. great uncle

Great grandson of great uncle.

My nephew through cold mat. uncle.

My treble birth nephew.

Sou of grandchild of the brother of
[grandmother my.

Mother's my cousin's son's son.

Bint bint bint khal ihnmi.
Bint bint bint akhi sitti...

Natijta d'akhona d'nanee

Metz morus yakepora t. t. toostra
Ineean mic m. drihar mo han vahar
lar ogha brathar mo shean m'hat-

[har

Moders fatters barnebam

Dottur d. dottir ommubrodur mins
Mormon brorsons dotter dotter. ...

Mat. gd. uncle's gt. gd. daughter
Oud ooms achter k. doch. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gt. ooms gte. gte. doch.

Mohders nichtes kinds kind

Gross oheims urenkelinn

Gross oheims grossenkelin

L'arriere petite fille de mon grand
[oncle

Avunculi magni proneptis

Megalou theiou proeggone

Moja zimna wnjeczua siostrzenica

Moja trojurodnaja plemiaunitza ...
Keeza tOrneh brii dapeereh mun...

ATtiui serkknn poian tytar.

D. of d. of d. of mat. uncle of mo. my
D. of d. of d. of bro. of gd. mo. my.

Gt. gd. d. of the bro. of gd. mo. my.
Gd. mother's brother's dau. dan. dau
D. of s. of s. of bro. of my gd. mo.
Great grandchild of brother of my
[grandmother.

Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of g. m. bro. my.
Mother's mother's brother's son's
[daughter's daughter.
Pat. uncle's gt. granddaught. (m. s.)
Pat. uncle's gt. granddau. b Niece.
Niece. b Gt. uncle's gt. pd. dau.
Mother's cousin's child's child.
Great uncle's great granddaughter.

X <! II 11

The great granddaughter of my great
[uncle.

Great granddaughter of mat. great
[uncle.
Great granddaughter of great uncle.

My niece through cold mat. uncle.

My treble birth niece.

Daughter of grandchild of brother of
[grandmother my

Mother's my cousin's son's daughter.

127. Mother's mother's sister.

Khalet ummi.
Ikht sitti ...

Khata d'naaee

Metz morus kooera ,

Driffur mo han vahar

Phiuthar mo shean m'hathar.

Shnyr moir my moir

Chwaer fy henfam ,

Mor moders Boater.,
Ommnsystir min...
Mormors syster

Maternal great aunt

Ond moeje

Groote moej [mohn

Bess mohders sister. b Mohders

Gross muhme. b Grosstante

Gross muhme. b Grosstante

Ma grand' tante

Tia abuela

Tiaava

Tiaava

Matertera magna

Megale theia

Mnj zimna babka .
Ma staratetka....

Baba m

Moja babka

Neiic'iiim kiizkilrndii-ilin. ...
Khooshkeh dupeereh mun.

Tsotatinl.

Translation.

Maternal aunt of mother my.
Sister of grandmother my.

Grandmother's sister.
Sister of my grandmother.

Grandmother's sister.
Grandmother's sister my.
Mother's mother's sister.

Great aunt (mother's side.)

Gd. mother's sister. * Mother's aunt.
Great aunt (mother's side).
« tt « <t

My great aunt.
Grandmother-aunt.

Maternal great aunt.
Great aunt.

My cold grandmother.
My great aunt.

Grandmother my.
My great aunt.
Grandfather's my sister.
Sister of grandmother my.

Great mother my.

12S. Mother's mother's sister's son.

Ibn khalet ummi.
Ibu ikhti sitti

Bruna d'khata d'nSnee

Metz morus crocha voretin

Mac driffur mo han vahar

Mac phiuthar mo sheau m'hathar

Moders fatter

Systur sonr ommu minnar.
Mormors systerson

Maternal great aunt's son

Oud moejes zoon

Groote moejes zoon

Mohders vedder

Gross muhme sohn

Gross muhme sohn

Le fils de ma grand' tante

Materterse magnse films.

Megales theias pais

Moj zimny wnj?

Moi dvojnrodnyidjadja

Laveh khooshkeh dapeereh mun

Tso tatinl polka

Translation.

Son of maternal aunt of mother my
Son of sister of grandmother my.

Grandmother's sister's son.

Son of sister of my grandmother.

Mother's cousin.

Sister's son of grandmother my.

Mother's mother's sister's son.

Great aunt's son (mother's side).

Mother's cous n (mother's side).

Great aunt's s

n (mother's side).

The son of my great aunt.

Son of maternal great aunt.

Son of great aunt.

My cold maternal nncle

My double birth uncle.

Son of sister of grandmother my.

Great mother's my son.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

Ill

TABLE I. — Continued.

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129. Mother's mother's sister's daughter.

Bint klialet timmi.
Bint ikhtisitti

Bratii d'khata d'nanee

Metz morns crocha toostra

Ineenn driffer mo ban vahar

Nighin phiuthar rno sheau in'hat-
[liar

Moders siidskendebarn

Systur dottir oinmu minuar.
Morniors systurdotter

Maternal great aunt's daughter.

Oud moejes dochter

Groote moejes dochter

Molnlers nichte

Gross inuhine tochter

Gross muhme tochter

La lillu de ma grand' taute

Materterae magnae filia .

Megalus tbeias pais

Moja zimna ciotka ?

Moja dvjurodnaja tjotka

Keezii khoshlvi-h dapeereh mun...

Tso tatlnl tytar.

Trait eilation.

Dau. of mat. aunt of mother my.
Dau. of Bister of grandmother my.

Grandmother's sister's daughter.
Daught. of sister of my grandmother.

Mother's cousin's daughter.
Sister's daughter of grandmother my.
Mother's mother's sister's daughter.

Gt. aunt's daught. (mother's side).

it ft (t tf tt

Great aunt's daughter.
Mother's cousin.

Great aunt's daughter,
tt tt tt

The daughter of my great aunt.

Daughter of maternal great aunt.
Daughter of great aunt.
My cold aunt.

My double birth aunt.

Daughter of sister of gd. mother my.

Great mother's my daughter.

130. Mother's mother's sister's grandson.

Ihu Ibn khalet nmmi .
Ibn ibn ikbti sitti

Niiwipa d'khata d'nanee

Metz moms crocha voretein voretin

Mac mif driflur molian vahar

Ogha phiutharmo shean m'bathar

Cyfferder .

Moders fatters son

Sonar sonr ommu systur minnar..

Monitors systers sonson

[aunt's grandson
Second cousin. b Maternal great
Oud moejes klein zoon. b Neef...
Kozyn. b Groote moejes groot zoon

Mohdera vedders soolin

Gross muhme enkel

Gross muhme enkel

Le petit flls de ma grand' tante...

Primo segundo

Primo segundo

Secondo cugino

Materterse magnae nepos

Deuteroa exadelphos.

Moj zimuy cioteczny brat.

Moi trojurodnyi brat.

TSrneh khooshkeh dapeereh mun

Altlni serkkun polka.

Translation.

S. of son of mat. aunt of mother my,
S. of s. of sister of grandmother my,

Gd. son of the sister of gd. mother rny
Grandmother's sister's son's son.
S. of s. of sister of my grandmother.
Gd. child of sister of my gd. mother.

Second cousin.

Mother's cousin's son.
t-on'a son of g. m. sifter my.
Mother's mother's sister's son's son.

Great aunt's grandson (moth, side),
Great aunt's grandson. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Great aunt's grandson.
Mother's cousin's son.

Great aunt's grandson.

u tt tt

The grandson of my great aunt.
Second cousin.

Grandson of maternal great aunt.

Second cousin.

My brother through cold aunt.

My treble birth brother.
Grandchild of the sister of g. m. my.

Mother's my cousin's son.

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39

131. Mother's mother's sister's grand-
daughter.

Bint ibn khalet limmi.
Bint ibii ikhti sitti

Nawigta d'khata d'nanee

Metz morus crocha toostrin toostra
Ineean mic driffermohan vahar..
Ogha phiuthar mo shean m'hathar

Cyfferders.

Moders fatters datter

Dottur dottir ommnsystur minuar

Mormora systers dotterdotter

[aunt's granddaughter
Second cousin. b Maternal great
Oud moejes klein dochter. b Nicht
Nichte. bGte. moejes gte. dochter

Mohders nichtes dochter

Gross muhme enkelinn

Gross muhme enkelin

La petite fille de ma grand' taute

Prima segunda

Prirna segunda

Seconda cugina

Materterae magnse neptia

Deutera exadelphe

Moja zimna cioteczna siostra

Moja trojurodnaja sestra

T5rneh kooshkeh dapeereh mun...

ATtini serkknn tytar

Translation.

D. of s. of mat. aunt of mother my.
D. of s. of sister of grandmother my.

Gd. d. of the sister of gd. mother my.
Gd. mother's sister's dau. dau.
D- of s. of sister of my grandmother.
Gd. child of sister of my gd. mother.

Second cousin.

Mother's cousin's daughter.
Daughter's dau. of g. m. sister's my.
Mother's mother's sister's daughter's
[daughter.

Gt. aunt's gd. daughter (ruoth. side),
tt tt tt tt tt tt

Niece. b Gt. aunt's granddaughter.
Mother's cousin's daughter.

Great aunt's granddaughter.
it ft tt

The granddaughter of my gt. aunt.
Second cousin.

The gd. daughter of mat. gt. aunt.

Second cousin.

My sister through cold aunt.

My treble birth sister.

Gd. child of the sister of gd. mo. my.

Mother's my cousin's daughter.

132. Mother's mother's sister's great
grandson.

Ibn ibn ibn khalet limmi.
Ibn ibn ibn ikhti sitti

Translation.

S. of s. of s. of mat. aunt of mo. my.
S. of s. of s. of sister of gd. mo. my.

Natija d'khata d'nanee Gt. gd. son of the sister of g. m. my.

Metz morus crouha v. voretin j Gd. mother's sister's son's son's sou.

Mac mic mic driffer mo han vahar ' S. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. mo.
lar ogha phiuthar mo m'hathar... Gt. gd. child of sister of my gd. mo.

Modera sodskendebarns barnebarn
Sonar s. sonr ommusystur minnar

Mormora systers sousons son

[son

Maternal great aunt's great grand-
Oud moejes acht. kl. zoou. bNeef
Kozyn. b Gte. moejes gt. gt. zoon

Mohdera veddera kinds kind

Gross muhme urenkel

Gross muhme grossenkel

L ' arriere-petit-fils de ma grand'
[tante

Matert«rse magnse pronepos.

Megates theiaa proeggonos

Moj zimny cioteczny siostrzeniec

Moi trojurodnyi plemiannitz

Laveh tflrneh kooshkeh dapeereh
[mun

Altlni serkkun poTan polka

Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Son's son's son of g. 'in. sister my.
Mother's mother's sister's son's pen's

[son.

Gt. aunt's gt. grandson (moth. side).
Gt. aunt's gt. grandson. b Nepliew.
Cousin. b Gt. aunt's gt. grandson.
Mother's cousin's child's child.

Great aunt's great grandson,
tt ft tt tt

The great grandson of my great aun..

Great grandson of mat. great aunt.
Great grandson of great aunt.
My nephew through cold aunt.

My treble birth nephew.

Son of grandchild of sister of grand-
[ mother my.

Mother's my cousin's son's son.

112

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

9

10

11

12

18
14

15
16
17
18
19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

133. Mother's mother's sister's great
granddaughter.

Bint bint bint khalet Qmmi

Bint bint bint ikhti sitti

NUtijta d'khata d'nanee [tra

Metz moms crocha toostrin t. toos-

Ineean mic m.driffermohan vahar

lar ogha phiuthar mo shean m'hat-

[har

Moders sijdskendebarns barnebarn
Dotturd. dottirommusyst. minnar
Mormors systers dotters dotter

[dotter

Mat. gt. aunt's gt. granddaughter
Oud moejes acht. kl. doch. b Nicht
Nichte. b Gte. moejes gte. gte. doch.

Mohders nichtes kinds kind

Gross tnuhme urenkeliun

Gross muhme grossenkelin

L'arricre-petite-fille de ina grand'

[tante

Materteras magnae proneptis

Megales tlieias proeggone

Moja zinnia cioteczna siostrzenica

Moja trojurodnaja plemiannitza...

vcezil torneh kooshkeh dapeereh
[mun

Aitini serkknn tyttaren tytar

Translation.

D. of d. of d. of mat. aunt of mo. my.
D. of .".. of d. of sister of gd. mo. my.

Gt. gd. d. of the sister of g. m. my.
Gd. mother's sister's dau. dau. dau,
D. of s. of s. of sister of my gd. mo.
Gt. gd. child of sister of my gd. mo,

Mother's cousin's grandchild.
Daughter's d. d. of g. in. sister my.
Mother's mother's sister's daughter's
[daughter's daughter.
Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter (in. s.).
Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter. *> Niece.
Niece. * Gt. aunt's gt. gd. daughter.
Mother's cousin's child's child.
Great aunt's great granddaughter.
« u a "

The great granddaughter of my great

[auut.

Great granddaughter of mater, great

[aunt.
Great granddaughter of great aunt.

My niece through cold aunt.

My treble birth nieoe.

Daughter of grandchild of the sister
[of grandmother my.

Mother's my cousin's dau. dau.

134. Father's father's father's brother.

Amm jiddi

Akha jadd abi.

AkhBna d'biiba d'siiwunee.
Metz horns bora yiikepira..
Drihar aharmo lian ahar...
Brathair mo shin sean air...

Braar shen shanner

Brawd fy ngorheudad

Oldefaders broder

Langafi brodir minn .
Farfars farbror

Paternal great great nucle

Over oud com

Groot groot com

Autke vaders brohr

Urgross oheim

Urgross oheim. b Urgross onkel.

Le frere demon bisa'ieul

Tio bisabuelo

Tio bisav6

Tio bisavo

Patru us major

Meizon theios

Moj zimny pradziad.
Miij pra stryc

Translation.

Prededa mi

Moiprarljed

De'lemTn haliasunum karndashu.
Brii bitveh buvkaluhmuu...

Tso tsani seta.

Paternal uncle of grandfather my.
Brother of grandfather of father my.

Great grandfather's brother.
Brother of father of mv grandfather.
Brother of my ancestral grandfather.
" « u u

Brother of my great grandfather.

Great grandfather's brother.
Great grandfather's brother my.
Father's father's father's brother.

Great great uncle (father's side).
ti u u (t t«

Great great uncle.
Great grandfather's brother.
Great great uncle.
«t it it

The brother of my great grandfather.
Uncle-great grandfather.

Paternal great great uncle.
Great great uncle.

My cold great grandfather.
My great great uncle.

Great grandfather my.
My great great uncle.
Grandfather's my father's brother.
Brother of father of grandfather my

Grandfather's mv uncle.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
M
37
88

135. Father's father's father's brother's

BOD.

Ibn amm jiddi

Ibu akhi jadd abi.

Metz horus hora yakepora voretin

Mac drihar ahar mo han ahar

Mac brathar mo shin seau air...

Oldefaders broders son

Brodur sonr langafa minn .
Farfars farbrors son ....

Paternal great great uncle's son.

Over oud ooms zoon

Groot groot ooms zoon

Antke vaders brohrs soohn

Urgross oheims sohn

Urgross oheims soon

Patrui majoris filing .,
Meizouos theion pais.

L'tiveh bra bUveh bavkaleh mun...
Tso tsani setan polka

Translation.

Son of pat. nncle of gd. father my.
Son of bro. gd. father of father my.

Great grandfather's brother's son.
Son of bro. of father of my gd. father.

Great grandfather's brother's son.
Brother's son of gt. grandfather my.
Father's father's father's brother's

[son.
Great great uncle's son (fath. side).

U It t< (( tt U

Great great uncle's son.

Great grandfather's brother's son.

Great great uncle's son.

Son of paternal great great uncle.
Son of great great uncle.

Son of brother of father of grand-
[ father my.

Great father's my uncle's son.

136. Father's father's father's brother's
grandson.

Ibn ibn amm jiddi

Ibu ibu ibn akhi jadd abi .

[tin

Metz horus hora yakepora v. vore-
Mac inic drihar ahar mo han aliar
Ogha brathar jno shin seau air....

Oldefaders broders barnebarn

Sonar sonr brodur langafa miun ...
Farfars farbrors sonson

Paternal gt. gt. uncle's grandson
Over oud ooms klein zaon. b Neef

Groot groot ooms groot zoon

Antke vaders brohrs kinds kind...

Urgross oheims enkcl

Urgross oheiuis enkel

Translation.

Patrui majoris nepos

Meizouos theiou eggonos .

Moi trojnrodnyi djadjaf

Torneh bra biiveh bavkaleh mun

Tso tsani setan polan polkii.

Son of s. of pat. uncle of g. fa. my.
Sou of s. of bro. of g. fa. of fa. my.

Gt. gd. father's brother's son's son.
Son of son of bro. of fa. of my g. fa.
Gd. child of bro. of iny ancestral g. f

Gt. gd. father's brother's gd. child.
Son's sou of bro. of gt. g. father my.
Father's father's father's brother's
[son's son.

Gt. gt. uncle's grandson (fa. side).
Gt. gt. uncle's grandson. b Nephew.
Great great uncle's grandson.
Gt. gd. father's brother's child's child.
Great great uncle's grandson.

Grandson of paternal gt. gt. uncle.
Grandson of great great uncle.

My treble birth uncle.

Grandchild of the brother of father of
[grandfather my.

Groat father's my uncle's son's son.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

113

TABLE I. — Continued.

137. Father's father's father's brother's
great grandson.

Translation.

13S. Father's father's father's sister.

Translation.

9

10
11
112
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn amm jiddi

Ibii ibn ibn akin jadd abi .

Metz horus hora yUkepora v. v. v.
Macm. m. d rihar ahar mo ban ahar
lar ogha brathar mo shin sean air

Oldefaders broilers barnebarnsbarn
Sonar s. sonr brodur langal'a minn

Farfars farbrors sonsons son

[gt. grandson

Third cousin. b Pat. gt. gt. uncle's
Over oud ooms acb . kl. zoon. b Neef
Kozyn groot gt. ooms groot gt. zoon
Antke vaders brohrs kinds k. k.

Urgross oheims urenkel

Urgross oheims grossenkel

Primo terceiro

Primo terceiro

Terzo cupino

Patrui rnajoris pronepos.,

Tritos exadelphos

Moi tohetverojurodnyi brat

Laveh tfirneh bra bavkaleh mun...

Tso tsanT setan poian poian poTka

Son of s. of s. of p. uncle of g. f. my.
Son of s. of s. of bro. of g. f. of f. my.

Gt. gd. father's bro. son's son's son.

Son of a. of s. of bro. of f. of my g. f.

Gt gd. son of bro. of fa. of ancestral

[grandfather.

Gt. gd. father's brother's gd. child.
Son's son's son of bro. of gt. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's brother's
[son's son'? son.

Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (fa. side).
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s. bN€pb. (f.s.)
Cousin. b Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. father's brother's gt. gd. child.
Great great uncle's great grandson.

Third cousin.
(( tt
tt tt

Great gd. son of pat. gt. gt. uncle.
Third cousin.

My quadruple birth brother.

Son of grandchild of brother of
[father of grandfather my.

Gt. fa's, my uncle's son's son's son.

Arnmet jiddi..
Ikht jadd abi.

Metz horus hora kooera ,

Driffiir ahar mo hau ahar...
Phiuthar mo shin sean air.

Shuyr shen fhaner

Chwaer fy ngorhendad

Oldefaders sb'ster....
Langafa syster min.
Farfars faster

Paternal great great aunt

Over oud moeje

Groote groote moeje

Antke vaders sister

Urgross mnhme. b Urgrosstante
Urgross muhme. b Urgrosstante

Tia bisabuelo .

Tia bisavd

Tiabisavo

Amita major...

Mrizuu theia.c

Moja zimuaprababka..
Ma prastryna

Prebaba mi

Moja prababka [dashu

DSdgmin babasnmun kuzkarn-
Khooshkeh baveh bavkaleh mun

Tso tsanltati.

Paternal aunt of grandfather my.
Sister of grandfather of father my.

Great grandfather's sister.

Sister of father of my grandfather.

Sister of fa. of my ancestral gd. fa.

tt tt tt a tt (( t( tt

Sister of my great grandfather.

Great grandfather's sister.
Great grandfather's sister my.
Father's father's father's sister.

Great great aunt (father's side).

it U (I II U

Great great aunt.
Great grandfather's sister.
Great great aunt,
u it tt

Aunt-great grandfather.

It If II

II li tt

Paternal great great aunt.
Great great aunt.

My cold great grandmother.
My great great aunt.

Great grandmother my.
My great great aunt.
Grandfather's my father's sister.
Sou of father of grandfather my.

Grandfather's my aunt.

139. Father's father's father's sister's son.

Translation.

140. Father's father's father's sister's
grandson.

Translation.

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn atnmet jiddi..
Ibn ikht jadd abi.

Metz horns hora crocha voretin.
Mac driffur ahar mo ban ahar...
Mac phiuthar mo shin sean air.

Oldefaders siisters son

Systar sonr langafa inins.
Farfars fasters son

Paternal great great aunt's son.

Over oud moejes zoon

Groote groote moejes zoon

Antke vaders sisters soohn

Urgross mnhme sohn

Urgross muhme sohn

Amitse majoris filius..
Meizonos theias pais.

Son of pat. aunt of grandfather my.
Son of sister of gd. father of fa. my.

Great grandfather's sister's son.
Sister of sister of fa. of my gd. fa.
Sister of sister of my ancestral gd.
[father.

Great grandfather's sister's son.
Sister's son of great gd. father my.
Father's father's father's sister's son.

Great great aunt's son (fa's side).

It it tt tt It tt

Great great annt's son.

Great grandfather's sister's son.

Great great aunt's son.

Son of paternal great great aunt.
Son of great great aunt.

Ibn ibn amniet jiddi..
Ibu ibu ikht jadd abi.

Metz horus hora crocha v. voretin
Mac mic driffer ahar mo hau ahar
Ogha phiuthar mo shean seau air

Oldefaders sosters barnebarn

Sonar sonr systur langafa mins..
Farfars fasters sonson

Paternal gt. gt. aunt's grandson.

Over oud moejes klein zoon

Groote groote moejes groot zoon..
Antke vaders sisters kinds kind.

Urgross mnhme enkel

Urgross muhme enkel

Amitse majoris nepos

Meizonos theias eggonos.

Son of son of pat. aunt of gd. fa. my.

Son of son of sister of grandfather

[of father my

Great grandfather's sister's son's son.

S. of s. of s. of fa. of my gd. father.

Grand.son of sister of my ancestral

[grandfather.

Gt. gd. father's sister's grandchild.

Son's son of sister of gt. gd. fa. my.

Father's father's father's sister's

[son's son.

Great great aunt's grandson (f. s).
tt tt tt tt tt

Great great annt's grandson.

Gt. gd. father's sister's grandchild.

Great great aunt's grandson.

Grandson of pat. great great aunt.
Grandson of great great aunt.

Laveh khoushkeh baveh bavkaleh
[mun

Tso tsanT serkku

Son of sister of father of gd. fa. my.
Grandfather's my cousin.

TSrneh khooshkeh baveh bavka-
[leh mun

Grandchild of

sister of father of
[grandfather my.

Tso tsanT serkknn potka.

Grandfather's my cousin's son.

15 November, 1860.

114

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

1
2
3
4
5
|
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2:5
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
3S
39

141. Father's father's father's sister's
great grandson.

Ibn ibn ibn ammet jiddi...
Ibn ibn ibn ikht j&dd abi.

Metz horns bora crooha v.v. voretin
Mac mic in . driffer ahar mo hail ahar
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin seau air

Oldefaders siiaters barnebarns barn
Sonar s.sonr systnr langafa mins..

Farfars fasters sonson son

[aunt's great grandson.
Third consin. b Paternal great gt.
Overoudmoejesach. k. z'n. b Neef
Kozyn. b Qte.gte. moejes gt.gt. z'n
Antke vaders sisters kinds k. kind

Urgross muhme ureukel

Urgross muhme grossenkel

Primo terceiro

Primo terceiro

Terzo cngino

Ainitse majoris pronepos.

Tritos exadelphos.

Moi tchetverojurodnyi brat.

Laveh tSrneh khooshkeh baveh
[bavkaleh luun

Tso tsani serkkun poian polka....

TraDslation.

S. of s. of 8. of p. a. of gd. fa. my.
S. of s. of s. of sist. of gd. fa. of f. iny.

G. g. father's sister's son's son's son.

S. of s. of s. of 8. of fa. of my gd. fa.

Great grandson of sister of my an-

[cestral grandfather.

Gt. gd. fa.'s sister's great grandchild.

Son's s. B. of sister of pt. gd. fa. my.

Father's father's father's sister's

[sou's sou's son.

Gt. gt. aunt's gt. grandson (f. s.).
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. father's sister's gt. gd. child.
Great great aunt's great grandson.

Third cousin,
(i «

ft tt

Gt. grandson of pat. gt. gt. aunt.
Third cousin.

My quadruple birth brother.

Son of grandchild of sister of father
[of grandfather my.

Grandfather's my cousin's son's son.

112. Mother's mother's mother's brother.

Khal sitti

Akha sitt umiui.

Metz morns mora yiikepira

Drihar mahar mo ban v. ahar....
Brathair mo shin scan in'hattiar..

Braar moir moir my moir

Brawd fy ngorheufain

Oldemoders broder

Langommu brodir muni.
Morinors morbror

Maternal great great uncle

Over oud oom

Groot groot oom

Antke mohders brohr

Urgross oheim

Urgross oheim. b Urgross onkel.

Tiobisabuela

Tio bisava

Tio bisavS,

Avunculus major.

MeizOn theios.

Moj pradziad ?.
Muj babinec

Prededa mi

Moi pradjed

DSdgmin babasunum karndashn.
Bra deeya dapeereh mun

Tso tsant enfi.

Translation.

Maternal uncle of grandmother my.
Brother of gd. mother of mother my.

Great grandmother's brother.
Brother of mother of my gd. mother.

Brother of my great grandmother.

Great grandmother's brother.
Great grandmother's brother my.
Mother's mother's mother's brother.

Great great uncle (mother's side).
u n it t* tt

Great great uncle.

Great grandmother's brother.

Great great uncle.

Uncle-great grandmother.

Uncle-great grandmother.
it tt tt

Maternal great great uncle.
Great great uncle.

My cold great grandfather.

My great great uncle (mother's side).

Great grandfather my.

My great great uncle.

My grandmother's mother's brother.

Brother of mother of gd. mother my.

Grandfather's my uncle.

143. Mother's mother's mother's brother's
SOD.

Translation.

144. Mother's mother's mother's brother's
grandson.

Translation.

10

11

12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
M
M
M
87
tt

39

Ibn khal sitti

Ibn akhi sitt umuii.

Metz morns mora yakepora voretin
Mac drihar mahar mo han vahar..
Mac brathar mo shin seau m'hathar

Oldemoders broders son

Brodur sour langommu mins.
Mormors morbrors son ...

Maternal great great uncle's son.,

Over ond ooms zoon ,

Groot groot ooms zoon

Antke inohders brohrs soohn

Urgross oheims solm

Urgross oheims sohn

Avunculi majoris filius.
Meizonos theiou pais....

Son of mat. uncle of grandmother my,
Son of bro. of gd. inc. of mother my.

Gt. grandmother's brother's son.
Son of bro. of mother of my g. m.

Gt. grandmother's brother's son.
Brother's son of gt. grandmother my.
Mother's mother's mother's brother's

[son.
Gt. gt. uncle's son (mother's side).

Great grandmother's brother's son.
Great great uncle's son.

Son of maternal great great uncle.
Son of great great uncle.

Tbn ihn Ich-U sitti

Ibn ibn akhi sitt limmi.

Metz mortta mora yakepora v. v.
Macm. driharmahar mo lian vahar
Ogha brathar mo shin seau m'hat-
[har

Oldemoders broders barnebarn

Sonar sonr brodur laugoramu minn

Mormors morbrors sonson

[son
Maternal great groat uncle's graud-

Over ond ooms klein zoon

Groot groot ooms groot zoon

Antke mohders brohrs kinds kind

Urgross oheims enkul

Urgross oheims enkel

Avunculi majoris nepos...,
Meizonos theiou eggonos.

Son of s. of mat. uncle of g. in. my.
Son of s. of brot. of g. m. of m. my.

Gt. gd. mother's brother's son's son.
Son of son of bro. of in. of my p. m.
Grandchild of bro. of m. of my g. m.

Gt. gd. mother's brother's pd. child.
Son's son of bro. of p. g. mother my.
Mother's mother's mother's brother's
[son's son
Great great uncle's grandson (m. s.).

Gt. gd. mother's brother's pd. child.
Great great uncle's grandson.

Grandson of maternal gt. gt. uncle.
Grandson of great great uncle.

Laveh bra deeya dapeereh mnn.
TsoaltTnlaerkku...

Son of brother of mother of graud-
[mother my.

Grandmother's my cousin.

TSrneh bra deeyii dlpeereh mun.

Tso aitint serkkun poTka.

Grandchild of brother of mother of
[grandmother my.

Grandmother's my cousin's son.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY

115

TABLE I. — Continued.

145. Mother's mother's mother's brother's
great grandson.

Translation.

146. Mother's mother's mother's sister.

Translation.

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn khal sitti

llm ibn ibn aklii sitt uiumi.

Metz morns mora yakepora v. v. v.

Mac m. m. driharmaharmoh'n v'r

lar oglia brathar mo slim sean

[m'hathar

[barn

Olderaoders Vjroders barneliarns
Sonar s. sonrbrodurlangommu m.
Monitors morbrors sousons son

Third cousin [b Neef

Over oud ooms aehter klein zonn.
Kozyn. b Gt. gt. ooms gt. gt. zoon
Antke mohders brolirs kinds k. k.

Urgross oheims urenkel

Urgross oheims grosseukel

Prime terceiro

Primo teroeiro

Terzo ougino

Avunculi majoris pronepos.

Tritos exadelphos.

Moi tchetverojurodnyibrat.

Laveh tOrneh bra deeya dilpeereh
[mun

Tso altlni serkknn poian polka....

Son of s. of s. of mat. u. f. g. m. my.
S. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of m. my.

Gt. gd. mother's brother's son's s. s.
Son of s. of s. of bro. of m. of my g. m.
Gt. gd. child of bro. of m. of aiy g. m.

[grandchild.

Great grandmother's brother's great

Son's s. s. of bro. of gt. gd. mo. my.

Mother's mother's mother's brother's

[soil's son's son.

Gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson (m. s.).
Gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson. b Neph.
Cousin. b Gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. mother's bro. gt. gd. child.
Great great uncle's great grandson.

Third cousin.

Great grandson of maternal great
[great uncle.
Third cousin.

My quadruple birth brother.

Son of gd. child of brother of mother
[of grandmother uiy.

Grandmother's my cousin's son's son.

Khalet sitti

Ikht sitt ummi.

Metz morns morii kooera

Uriffur mahar mo han valiar

Phiuthar mo shin sean m'hathar

Shuyr moir moir mymoir

Chwaer fy ngorhenfam

Oldemoders sb'ster

Langommu syster min.
Mormors moster

Maternal great great aunt

Over oud moeje

Groote groote moej

Antke mohders sister

Urgross muhme. b Urgrocstante.,
Urgross muhme. b Urgrosstante.

Tia bisabuela —

Tia bisava

Tia bisava

Matertera major..

Meizon theia.

Moja prababka?.
Ma babiuka

Prebaba mi

Moja prababka [shu

Dedgmiu babasunvtm kuzkarnda-
Khooshkeh deeya dapeereh mun..

Tso altTnl tail..

Maternal aunt of grandmother my.
Sister of grandmother of mother my

Great grandmother's sister.

Sister of mother of my grandmother

Sister of my great grandmother.

Great grandmother's sister.
Great grandmother's sister my.
Mother's mother's mother's sister.

Great great aunt (mother's side).

tl (( U U tt

Great great aunt.

Great grandmother's sister.

Great great aunt.

Aunt-great grandmother.
tt ft

u u

Maternal great great aunt.
Great great aunt.

My ccld great grandmother.
My great great aunt.

Great grandmother my.

My great great aunt.

My grandmother's mother's sister.

Sister of mother of grandmother my.

Grandmother's my aunt.

147. Mother's mother's mother's sister's
son.

Translation.

148. Mother's mother's mother's sister's
grandson.

Translation.

10
11
12
13
14
IB
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibnklialet sitti

Ibn ikht sitt ummi.

Metz morus morii crocha voretin...

Mac driffer mahar nio han vahar..

Mac phiuthar mo shin sean m'hat-

[har

Oldemoders sosters son ~...

Systur sonar edda minn

Mormors mosters son

Maternal great great aunt's son...

Over oud inoejes zoon

Groote groote nioejes zoon

Antke mohders sisters soohn

Urgross mnlime sohn

Urgross muhrne sohn

Materterae majoris films ,
Meizonos theias pais

Son of mat. aunt of grandmother my.
Son of sister of gd. mother of m. my.

Gt. grandmother's sister's son.

Sou of sister of m. of my gd. mother.

Great grandmother's sister's son.
Sister's son of great grandmother my.
Mother's mother's mother's sister's

[son.
Great gt. aunt's son (mother's side).

U tt ti tt ft ((

Great great aunt's son.

Great grandmother's sister's son.

Great great aunt's son.

Son of maternal great great aunt.
Son of great great aunt.

Ibn ibn khalet sitti

Ibn ibn ikht sitt ummi.

[tin

Metz morus morS c. voretein vore-
Mac m. driffer mahar mo h'nvah'r
Ogha phiutharmo shin seau m'hat-

[har

Oldemoders sosters barnebarn

Sonar sonr systur edda minn

Mormors mosters sonson

[son

Maternal great great aunt's grand-
Over oud ooms klein zoon

Groote groote moejes groot zoon...
Antke mohders sisters kinds kind

Urgross muhme enkel

Urgross muhme enkel

Materterse majoris nepos.
Meizonoa theias eggonos.

Laveh khoashkeh deeya dapeereh
[mun

Aidini alti serkku

Son of sister of mother of gd. mother

[my.

My grandmother's cousin.

Tornehkhooshkeh deeya dapeereh
[mun

Aidini altl serkkun poTkii..

Son of s. of mat. aunt of g. m. my.
Sou of a. of sister of g. m. of m. my,

Gt. grandmother's sister's son's son
Son of s. of sister of m. of my g. m.
Gd. child of sister of m. of my g. m

[child.

Great grandmother's sister's grand-
Son's son of sister of g. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's sister's
[sou's son.

Gt. gt. aunt's gd. son (mother's side),
it tt tt tt <t •

Great great aunt's grandson.

Gt. gd. mother's sister's grandchild.

Great great aunt's grandson.

Grandson of mat. great great aunt.
Grandson of great great aunt.

Grandchild of sister of mother of
[grandmother my.

Grandmother's my cousin's son.

116

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

149. Mother's mother's mother's sister's
great grandson.

Ibu ibn ibn khUlet sitti

Ibu ibn ibn ikht sitt limmi.

[voretin.

Metz morus mora crocha v. v.

Mac m. m. driff. m'h'r mo h'n v'h'r

lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sean

[m'hathar

[barn.

Oldemoders sostera barne barns
Sonar sonar sonr systur edda mins
Monnors mosters sonsons son

Third cousin -. [b Neef

Over oud ooms achter klein zoon.
Kozyii. b Gte. gte. moejes gt. zoon
Autke mohders sisters kinds k. k.

Urgross muhme urenkel

Urgross muhme grossenkel

Primo terceiro

Frimo terceiro

Terzo cugino

Materterse majoris pronepos.

Txitos exadelphos.

Moi tohteverojurodnyi brat.

TBrneh kooshkeh deeya dapeereh
[mun

Aidln altl serkkun poian polka. ...

Translation.

Son of s. of s. of mat. a. of g. m. my.
Son of s. of s. of sister of g. m. of m.

[my.

G. g. mother's sister's son's son's son.
S. of s. of s. of sister of m. of my g. m.
Gt. gd. child of sist. of ». of my g. m.

Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. g. child.

Son's s. son of sister of g. g. m. my.

Mother's mother's mother's sister's

[son's son's son.

Gt. gt. aunt's gt. grandson (m. s.).
Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son. b Nephew.
Cousin. b Gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son.
Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. gd. child.
Great great aunt's great grandson.

Third cousin.

Great grandson of mat. great great

[aunt.
Third cousin.

My quadruple birth brother.

Grandchild of sister of mother of
[grandmother my.

Grandmother's my cousin's son's sou.

150. Father's father's father's father's
brother.

Ainm jidd abi

Akha jadd jaddi.

Metz horus metz hora yakepira...
Dribar mo han ahar mo han ahar

Brathar mo shin sin sean air

Braar ayr my shen shanner

Tip oldefaders broder

Langa langafi brodir minn.
Farfars farfars bror.

Paternal great great great uncle.

Over over oud oom

Groot groot groot oom

Antke vaders vaders brohr

Ururgross oheim

Ururgross oheiin

Patruus maximus.
Megistos theios

Bra bavkaleh bavklileh mun.

Translation.

Pat. uncle of the gd. fath. of fath. my.
Brother of grandfather of gd. father

[my.

Grandfather's grandfather's brother.
Brother of gd. fath. of my gd. fath.

Great grandfather's father's brother.

Gt. grandfather's gd. fa. brother my.

Father's father's father's father's

[brother.

Great gt. gt. uncle (father's side.)
n ti it K (t

Great great great uncle.

Great grandfather's father's brother.

Great great great uncle.

Paternal great great great uncle.
Great great great uncle.

Brother of grandfather of grandfather

151. Father's father's father's father's
brother's son.

Translation.

152. Father's father's father's father's
brother's grandson.

Translation.

9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
M
M

Ibn amm jidd abi....
Ibn akUi jadd jaddi.

[voretin

Metz horus metz hora yakepora
Mao drih. mo h'n ah'r rno U'n ah'r
Mac brathar mo shin sin sean air

Tip oldefadders broders son

Brodur sonr langa langafi minus...
Farfar farfars brorson

Paternal great gt. gt. uncle's son

Over over ond ooms zoon

Groot groot groot ooms zoon

Antke vaders vaders brohrs sohn

UrnrgrosB oheims sohn

Ururgross oheims sohu

Patrui maximi filins..
Megistou theiou pais.

Son of pat. unc. of g. f. of fath. my.

Son of brother of grandfather of gd.

[father my.

Grandfather's grandfather's bro. son.
Son of bro. of gd. fath. of my gd. fa.

Gt. gd. father's father's brother's son.
Brother's son of gd. fa. gd. fa. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[brother's son.

Gt. gt. gt. uncle's son (father's side)
*( it it n tt ti

Great great great uncle's son.
Gt. gd. father's father's bro. son.
Great great great uncle's sou.

Son of pater, great great great uncle.
Son of great great great uncle.

Ibn ibn amm jidd abi

Ibu ibn akhi jadd jaddi .

Metzh. metz h. y. voretein voretin
Mac mic drih. mo han ahar m. h. a.
Ogha brathar mo shin sin sean air

Tip oldefaders broders barnebarn
Sonar sonrbrod. langa langafi mins

Farfars farfars brorsons son

[grandson.

Paternal great great great uncle's
Over over oud ooms klein zoon....
Groot groot groot ooms groot zoon
Antke vaders v. brohrs kinds kind

Ururgross oheims enkel

Ururgross oheims eukel

Patrui maximi nepos

Megistou theiou eggonos.

Son of s. of pat. unc. of g. f. of f. my.
Son of s. of bro. of g. f. of g. f. my.

Gd. father's gd. father's bro. son's s.
Son of s. of bro. of gd. fa. of my g. f.
Gd. child, of bro. of gd. fa. of my g. f.

Gt. gd. father's fath bro. gd. child.
Son's sou of bro. of gd. fa. gd. fa. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[brother's son's son.

Gt. gt. gt. uncle's grandson (f. s.).
it tt tt it it

Great great great uncle's grandson.
Gt. gd. father's fath. bro. gd. child.
Great great great uncle's grandson.

Grandson of pat. gt. gt. gt. uncle.
Grandson of great great great uncle.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

117

TABLE I. — Continued.

153. Father's father's father's father's
hrother'u great grandson.

Translation.

154. Father's father's father's father's
sister.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
1G
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
2(j
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
87
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn amm jidd abi

Ibu ibn ibn akhi jadd jaddi.

[mo han aliar

Mac mio mio drihar mo ban ahar

lar ogha brathar mo shin sin sean

[air

[barn

Tip oldefaders broders barnebarns

Sonars, s. bro. langa langafi mi us

Farfars farfars brorsons sonson....

[great grandson

Paternal great great great uncle's
Over o. oud corns acbt. klein zoon
Kozyn. bGt. gt.gt ooms gt.gt. zoon
Antke vaders v. brohrs. kinds k. k.

Ururgross oheims nrenkel

Ururgross oheims ureukel

Patrui maximi pronepos....

Mogistou theiou proggonos.

Son of s. of s. of p. u. of g. f. of f. my.

Son of s. of s. of brother of gd. father

[of grandfather my.

[of my grandfather.
Son of s. of s. of brother of gd. father
Gt. gd. child of brother of gd. father

[of my grandfather.

[grandchild.

Gt. gd. father's father's brother's gt.
Son's s. 8. of bro. of g. f. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[brother's son's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (f. s.).

II It II <( t( ((

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. fath. fath. bro. gt. gd. child.
Great gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson.

Great grandson of pater, great great
[great uncle.

Great grandson of great great great
[uncle.

Ammet jidd abi.
Ikht jadd jaddi.

Metz horus metz horus kooera

Diflur mo han ahar mo han ahar.
Phiuthar mo shin sin sean air....
Shuyr inoir my sheii shanuer

Tip oldefaders soster

Langa langafa systur min.,
Farfars farfars systur ,

Paternal great great great aunt.

Over over oud moeje

Groote groote groote moeje

Antke vaders vaders sister

Ururgross muhme

Urnrgross muhme

Amita maxima.

Megiote theia ...

Pat. aunt of gd. father of father my.
Sister of gd. father of gd. father my.

Grandfather's grandfather's sister.
Sister of gd. father of my gd. father.

Gt. grandfather's father's sister.
Gd. father's grandfather's sister my.
Father's father's father's father's
[sister.
Great great great aunt (father's side).

U It It H t( ((

Great great great aunt.

Gt. grandfather's father's sister.

Great great great aunt.

Paternal great great great aunt.
Great great great aunt.

Kodshkeh bavkaleh bavkiileh mun

Sister of gd. father of gd. father my.

155. Father's father's father's father's
sister's SOD.

Translation.

156. Father's father's father's father's
sister's grandson.

Translation.

1
2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ammet jidd abi.
Ibn ikht jadd jaddi.

Metz horus metz h. crocha voretin
Mao driffur mo han ahar m. h. a.
Mac phiuthar mo shin sin sean air

Tip oldefaders sosters son

Systur sour langa langafi mins

Farfara farfars syster son

Paternal gt. gt. gt. aunt's son

Over over oud moejes zoon

Groote groote groote moejes zoon
Antke vaders vaders sisters soohn

Ururgross muhme sohn

Ururgross nmhuie sohn

Amitae maxima films.
Megiotes theias pias ...

Son of pat. aunt of gd. fa. of fa. my.
Sou of sister of gd. fa. of gd. fa. my.

Gd. father's gd. father's sister's son.
Son of sister of gd. fa. of my gd. fa.
Son of sister of my old father of old
[father.

Gt. gd. father's father's sister's son.
Sister's son of gd. fath. gd. fath. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[sister's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's son (father's side).

Gt. gd. father's father's sister's son.
Great great great aunt's son.

Son of pat. great great great aunt.
Son of great great great aunt.

Ibn ibn ammet jidd abi.
Ibn ibn ikht jadd jaddi

[tin

Metz horus metz h. crocha v. vore-
Mac micdriffurmohan aharm.h.a.
Ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean

[air

Tip oldefaders sosters barnebarn...
Sonar sonr syst. langa langafi min
Farfars farfars systersons son

Pat. gt. gt. gt. annt's grandson. ...
Over over oud moejes klein zoon..
Groote groote gte. moejes gt. zoon
Antke vaders vaders sisters k. k.

Ururgross muhme enkel

Ururgross muhme enkel

Amitse maxima? nepos
Megiotes theias eggonos.,

Son of s. of pat. aunt of g. f. of f. my,
Sou of s. of sister of g. f. of g. f. my,

Gd. father's gd. father's sister's son.
Son of s. of sister of g. f. of my g. f.
Gd. child of sister of my old father's
[old father.

Gt. gd. father's fath. sist. gd. child.
Son's son of sister of g. f. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's father's
[sister's son's son,
Great great gt. aunt's gd. son (f. s.),

Gt. gd. father's fath. sist. gd. child.
Great great great aunt's grandson.

Grandson of pat. gt. gt. gt. aunt.
Grandson of great great great aunt.

118

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

157. Father's father's father's father's
sister's great graudsun.

Translation.

158. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
brother.

Translation.

•2

a

4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn ammet jidd abi

Urn ibn ibn ikht jidd jaddi

M. h. m. h. o. voretein v. voretin
Mac m. m. drill', mo ban aharm.h.a
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean

[air

[barn

Tip oldefaders sosters barnebarns
Sonar a. s. syst. langa langafi inins

Farfars farfars systersons son

[great grandson

Paternal great great great aunt's
Over o. oud moejes acht. kl. zoon
Kozyn. b Gte. gte. gte. moejes g.g.z.
Antke vaders v. sisters kinds k. k.

Ururgross muhme urenkel

Ururgross muhme grosseukel

Amitse maximsepronepos....
Megiotes tbeias proeggonos.

S. of s. of s. of p. a. of g. f. of f. my.
S. of s. of s. of sist. of g. f. of g. f. my.

[son.

Gd. father's gd. fa. sister's son's son's

S. of s. of s. of sist. of g. f. of my g. f.

Great grandchild of sister of my old

[father's old father.

[great grandchild.

Great grandfather's father's sister's
Son's son's s. of sist. of g. f. g. f. my.
Father's father's father's father's sis-
[ter's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. annt's gt. gd. sou (f. s.).

tf tl II II ft it It II

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. fa', fa. sister's gt. gd. child.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's great grandson.

Great grandson of paternal great gt.
[great aunt.
Great grandson of great great great

[aunt.

Khal silt ummi.
Akhasitt sitti...

Metz morns metz morns yiikepira

Drihar mo han vahair m. h. v

Brathar mo shin sin sean rn'hat-
[hair

Tip oldefaders broder

Langa langommu brodir miiin

Mormors mormors bror...

Maternal great great great uncle.

Over over oud com..... ,

Groot groot groot oom

Antke mohders mohders brohr. ..

Ururgross oheim

Ururgross oheim

Avnnculns maximns.
Megistos theios

Mat. uncle of gd. mo. of mother my.
Brother of gd. mo. of gd. mother my,

Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother.
Brother of gd. mother of my gd. mo.
Brother of my x>ld mother's old mo.

Gt. grandmother's mother's brother.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's bro. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother'
[brother.
Great gt. gt. uncle (mother's side).

Great gd. mother's mother's brother
Great great great uncle.

Maternal great great great uncle.
Great great great uucle.

Bra dilpcereh dapeereh muu.

Brother of grandmother of gd. mother

[my

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
B
9

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
3V
38
39

159. Mother's mother's mother's mother1!
brother's son.

Ibn khal sitt ummi.
Ibu akhi sitt sitti...

M. m. m. m. ySkepora voretin

Mac drihar mo han vahair m. h. v.

Mac brathar mo shin sin seau m'

[hathar

Tip oldemoders broders son

Brodur sonr langa langommu ruins
Mormors mormors brorsou

Mat. great gt. gt. uncle's son

Over over oud oonis zoon

Groot groot groot ooms zoon "...

Antke mohders moli. brohrssoohn.

Ururgross oheims sohn

Ururgross oheims sohn

Avunculi mazimi filing.
Megiston theiou pais

Translation.

Son of mat. unc. of g. m. of mo. my.
Son of brother of g. m. of g. m. my.

Gd. mother's gd. mother's bro. son.
Son of bro. of gd. mo. of my gd. mo.
Son of brother of my old mother's
[old mother.

Gt. gd. mother's mother's bro. son.
Brother's sou of gd. mo. gd. mo. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[brother's son.
Great great great uncle's son (m. s.).

II II II II <( <f

II II II II (I ft

Gt. gd. mother's mother's bro. son.
Great great great uncle's son.

Son of maternal great great great
[uncle.
Son of great great great uncle.

160. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
brother's grandson.

Ibu ibn khal ummi ....
Ibn ibu akhi sitt sitti .

M. m. m. m. y. voretein voretin

Mac mic drihar mo h. v. mo h. v.

Ogha brathar mo shin sin sean

[m'hathar

Tip oldemoders broders bamebarn

Sonars, bro. langa langommu mins

Mormors mormors brorsons son....

[grandson

Maternal great great great uncle's
Over over oud ooms klein zoon...
Groot groot groot ooms groot zoon
Antke mohders m. bro kinds k.

Ururgross oheims enkel

Ururgross oheims eukel

Avunculi maximi nepos.
Megistou theiou eggonos.

Translation.

Son of s. of m. u. of g. m. of m. my
Sou of s. of bro. of g. m. of g. m. my

[son's son.

Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother's

Sou of s. of bro. of g. m. of my g. m.

Grandchild of brother of my old mo-

[ther's old mother.

[grandchild.

Great gd. mother's mother's brother's
Son's son of bro. of g. in. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[brother's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's grandson (m. s.).

Gt. gd. mo. mother's bro. gd. child.
Great great great uncle's grandson.

Gd. son of maternal great great great

[uncle.

Grandson of great great great uncle.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

119

TABLE I. — Continued.

161. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
brother's great grandson.

Translation.

162. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister.

Translation.

10
11
12
13

14
15
16
17
18
19
20
'21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn kMl sitt timmi.
Ibn ibn ibn aklii sitt sitti...

Metz m. metz m. y. v. v. voretin

Mac m. m. drihar m. b. v. m. h. v.

lar ogha brathar mo shin sin sean

[m'liattiar

[barns barn

Tip oldemoders broders barne-

Sonar s. s. bro. langa 1'mmu mins

Mormors mormors brorson sonson

[great grandson

Maternal great great great uncle's
Over o. oud ooms achter kleiu zoon
Kozyn. b Gt. gt. ooms gt. gt. zoon
Antke mohders m. brohrs k. k. k.

Ururgross oheims ureukel

Ururgross oheiins grosseukel

Avnnculi maximi pronepos.
Megistou theiou proggonos..

S. of s. of s. of m. u. of g. m. of m. my.
H. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of g. m. my.

[son's son's son.

Gd. mother's gd. mother's brother's

S. of s. of s. of bro. of g. m. of my g.m.

Gt. gd. child of brother of my old

[mother's old mother.

[great grandchild.

Gt. gd. mother's mother's brother's
Son's s. s. of bro. of g. m. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[brother's son's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. son (m. s.).

u « it it u K it t(

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. uncle's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. mo. mo. bro. gt. gd. child.
Great gt. gt. uncle's gt. grandson.

Great grandson of mater, great great
[great nncle.

Great grandson of great great great
[uncle.

Khalet sitt ummi.,
Ikht sitt sitti

Metz morns metz mora kooera

Driffur mo han vahair mo ban v'r

Phiuthar mo shin sin seau m'hat-

[har

Tip oldemoders soster

Langa langommu systirr min....
Mormors mormors syster

Maternal great great great aunt.

Over over oud moeje

Groote groote groote moeje

Antke mohders mohders sister..

Ururgross muhme

Ururgross muhme

Matertera maxima.
Megiste theia

Mat. aunt of gd. moth, of moth. my.
Sister of gd. moth, of gd. moth. my.

Grandmother's grandmother's sister.
Sister of gd. moth, of my gd. moth.
Sister of my old mother's old mother.

Great grandmother's mother's sister.
Gd. mother's gd. mother's sister my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister.
Great great gt. annt (mother's side).

Great grandmother's mother's sister.
Great great great annt.

Maternal great great great aunt.
Great great great aunt.

Khooshkeh dapeereh dapeereh uiun

Sister of grandmother of grandmother

[my.

163. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister's sun.

Translation.

164. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister's grandnon.

Translation.

10

11

12
13
14
15
16
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18
19
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22
23
24
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31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn khalet sitt ummi.
Ibn ikht sitt sitti

Metz m. metz m. crocha voretin...

Mac driffur mo han vahair m. h. v.

Mac phiuthar mo shin sin sean

[m'hathar

Tip oldemoders sb'sters son

Systur sonr langa langommn mins
Mormors mormors systerson

Maternal gt. gt. gt. aunt's son

Over over oud mojes zoon

Groote groote groote moejes zoon..
Antke mohders mohders sist. soohn

Ururgross muhme sohn

Ururgross muhme sohn

Materterae maximse filius .
Megistes theias pais

Son of mat. aunt of g. m. of mo. my.
Son of sister of g. m. of g. m. my.

Gd. mother's gd. mother's sist. son.

Son of sister of gd. mo. of my gd. mo.

Son of sister of my old mother's old

[mother.

Gt. gd. mother's mother's sist. son.
Sister's son of gd. mo. gd. mo. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's son (mother's side].

Gt. gd. mother's mother's sist. son.
Great great great aunt's son.

Son of mat. great great great aunt
Son of great great great aunt.

Ibn ibn khalet sitt ummi..
Ib 11 ibn ikht sitt sitti

M. m. m. m. c. voretein voretin...

Mac mic driffer m. h. v. m. h. v.

Ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean

[m'hathar

Tip oldemoders sosters barnebarn
Sonar s. syst. langa I'mmim mins
Mormors mormors systers sonson..

Mat. gt. gt. gt. annt's grandson...
Over over oud moejes klein zoou..
Groote gte. gte. moejes klein zoon
Antke mohders m. sisters kinds k.

Ururgross muhme enkel

Ururgross muhme enkel

Materterse maximse nepos.
Megistes theias eggonos...

S. of s. of mat. u. of g. m. of m. my.
S. of s. of sister of g. m. of g. m. my.

Gd. mo. gd. mo. sister's son's son.
S. of s. of sister of g. mo. of my g. m.
Gd. child of sister of my old mother's
[old mother.

[grandchild.

Gt. grandmother's mother's sister's
Son's son of sister of g. m. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister's sou's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's grandson (m. s.)

Gt. gd. mother's sister's grandchild.
Great great great aunt's grandson.

Grandson of matern. gt. gt. gt. aunt.
Grandson of great great great aunt.

120

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

165.. Mother's mother's mother's mother's
sister's great grandson.

Translation.

166. Husband.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ibn ibn ibn khalet sitt finiini

S. of s. of s. of m. a. of g. m. of m. my.
S. of s. of s. of sist. ofg.m. ofg. rn.my.

Gd. mo. gd. mo. sist. son's son's son.
S. of s. of s. of sis. of g. m. of my g. m.
Great grandchild of sister of my old
[mother's old mother.

[great grandchild.
Great grandmother's mother's sister's
Son's s. s. of sist. ofg. m. g. m. my.
Mother's mother's mother's mother's
[sister's son's son's son.
Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. son (m. s.).

it tf ft tt ft it it,

Cousin. b Gt. gt. gt. aunt's gt. gd. s.
Gt. gd. mother's sister's gt. gd. child.

Great gt. gt. aunt's great grandson.
« tt tt tt it

Great grandson of maternal great
[great great aunt
Great grandson of great great great
[aunt.

Zuji

Husband my.

t( u

Husband my (lit. man iny).

Husband my.

a ct

My husband.

It ((

(t ft
ft ft

Husband,
tt

it

Husband my.
Man.
Husband,
ft

u

ti

tt
tf
u

My husband.

tt tt

Husband.
tt
it
tt
tt

My husband.
«t u

(C ff

Husband my.

u tt

My husband.
Husband my. b Old man.
Husband my.
Lord my.
Husband.
Man my. b Consort.

[tin
Metz m. metz m. crocha v. v. vore-
Mac mio m. driffer m. h. v. m. h. v.
lar ogha phiuthar mo shin sin sean
[m'hathar

[barn
Tip oldemoders sosters barnebarns
Sonars, s. syst. langa I'ommu mins
Mormors niormors systersons son-
[son
Mat. gt. gt. gt. aunt's grandson...
Over o. oud nioejes aoht. kl. zoon
Kozyn. b Ge. ge. ge. moejes g. g. z.
Antke mohders m. sisters k. k. k.

Ishi

Snohixr

Pati. b Bhartar. ° Dhavar

Husbond. b Mand. c Genial
Madr (boiidi) min

Huv. b Wir. c Bonda

Mann. b Gatte. c Gemahl

Ururgross muhuie grossenkel

Gatte

Vir. b Maritua

M6reh mun

167. Husband's father.

Translation.

168. Husband's mother.

Translation.

1

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3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Uncle my.
tt (t

Father-in-law my.

ft K t( u

Half father.

My other's father.
it t( ft

u tt tt
Father of my husband.

Father-in-law.
tt it it

Father-in-law my.

Father-in-law.

u tt tt

tt it it
tt tt it
tt tt tt

Father.
Father-in law.
it it u

My father-in-law.

Father-in-law.

tt u it

it it it
tt it tt
tt tt it

My husband's father.
My father-in-law.
tt it tt tt

Father-in-law my.
tt <t tt tt

My father-in-law,
tt tt tt tt

Father of husband my.
Father-in-law my.

Wife of uncle my.
Mother-in-law my.

tt tt u a
tf tf ft ft

Half mother.

My other's mother.
ti tf ti
it tt tf

Mother of my husband.

Mother-in-law.

tf tt a

Mother-in-law my.

Mother-in-law.
ft <f it

it u tt

ft tf tt
<t ft ti

Mother.
Mother-in-law.

it tt ft

My mother-in-law.

Mother-in-law.
ti tt ft
K tt tf
tt ft tt
<t ft ft

My husband's mother.
My mother-in-law.

tt tt 11 tt

Mother-in-law my.

tt ti tt ft

My mother-in-law.
(i ft tt tt

Mother-in-law my.
Mother-in-law my.

Hamati

KIlflMlI

Svarfar....

Vader

Schwiegervater. b Schwaher

Sogro

So^ra

Mano szeszuras

Svekr mi

Kayni biibam

Baveh. m6reh mun

Ipaxu

AppTni

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

121

TABLE I. — Continued.

168. Husband's grandfather.

Translation.

170. Husband's grandmother.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Jidd zoji

Grandfather of husband my.
u *t - a tf

it if tt u
Father of my half father.
Father of my husband.

Grandfather of my wife.

Father-in-law's father.
Grandfather of man my.
Husband's grandfather

Father-in-law's father.
Husband's grandfather.

it u
My husband's grandfather.

it t( U

The grandfather of my husband.
Great father-in-law.

U (( (( tt

Father of father-in-law.
My grandfather.

tt U

Grandfather my.

My grandfather-in-law.
Grandfather of husband iny.

Great father-in-law my.

Sitt zoji

Grandmother of husband my.

ti it K ti

u u tt it

tt tt It U

Grandmother of my husband.
ti ti tf

Father-in-law's mother.
Grandmother of man my.
Husband's grandmother.

Mother of mother-in-law.
Husband's grandmother.

it ti

My husband's grandmother,
tt tt tt

The grandmother of my husband.
Great mother-in-law.

tf ft it (i

Mother of father-in-law.

My grandmother.

tt tt

Grandmother my.

My grandmother-in-law.
Grandmother of husband my.

Great mother-in-law my.

Sitt zauji

Sawunta d'goree

Ante su opera

Muj ded

Deda mi

171. Wife.

Translation.

172. Wife's father.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
G
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ainrati

Woman my.
Wife my.
Wife my (lit. woman my).

Wife my.
"it a

My woman.
if it
it tf

My wife.

Wife,
it

H

Wife my.

Wife.
u

It

tt
It
It
It
It

My wife. b My woman.
Spouse. b Wife. c Consort.
Wife.
Wife. b Consort.

Wife.
<(

My wife.

ft ft

tt ft

Wife iny.

u ti

My wife.
Wife uiy. b Woman.
Wife my.
Half my.

Wife.
Woman my. h Consort..

Uncle my.
tt ft

Giver in marriage my (masculine).
Wife's father my.
Father-in-law my.

My other's father.

tt it ft
tt it it

My father-in-law.

Father-in law.
<t tf tf

Father-in-law my.

Father-in-law,
ft it if
it if (f
tt tt tt
it tt ii

Wife's father.
Father-in-law.

it if it

My father-in-law.
Father-in-law.

it ii it

K it ti
it it ti
ti tt it

My wife's father.
My father-in-law.

If ft U tt

Father-in-law my.

ft it it ft

My father-in-law,
tt tt tt ti

Father-in-law my.
Father-in-law my.

Ishtl*

Klidtk' in!

Ahnare

zau

Patui. b Bhirya. c Juya

Svarfar

\Vif

Wife. Spouse

Frau

Weib. bFrau. cGattin. dGemah-
Gattin [lin

Epose. b Mujir. ° Consorte

Test mi

Tust mi

16 November, 1809.

122

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

173. Wife's mother.

Translation.

174. Wife's grandfather.

Translation.

I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ararat ammi

Wife of unule my.

(( tl tl U

Giver in marriage my (fem.).
Wife's mother my.
Mother of wife my.
My other's mother.
11 a 11
it 11 ti
My mother-in-law.

Mother-in-law.
11 11 u

Mother-in-law ray.
Mother-in-law,
ti u u
ti u 11
u u u

11 (1 11

Wife's mother.
Mother-in-law.
ti u i<

My mother-in-law.
Mother-in-law.

11 It fl

a tc (t
11 u a

it ti tt

My wife's mother.
My mother-in-law.
it it ti it

Mother-in-law my.
ti ii it it

My mother-in-law.

it u ti it

Mother of wife my.
Mother-in-law my.

Jidd amrati

Grandfather of wife my.
u ti n it

tt if It tc

Grandfather of my wife,
tt tt tf ii

Wife's grandfather.
Grandfather of wife my.
Wife's grandfather.

u u
it tt

tt ti
The grandfather of my wife.

it It It ' U

ft ft ff ft

Great father-in-law.

(f tt tf it

Wife's grandfather.

My grandfather,
ft tt

Grandfather my.

My grandfather-in-law.
Grandfather of wife my.

Great father-in-law my.

Ininu'it ammi
Khiith «'antl

Jaddzauji

Klimiitee

Mo han ahair mo cheli

Aiinarocnus

Moir si laigh

Mam fy ngwraig
(Jvaqura

Svigermoder

Afl gonu minnar

Hustrus farfar -..

Wife's grandfather

Behuwd groot vader

Frauen bess vader

Der grossvater meiner frau

Schwiegermutter

L'ai'eul de ma femme

Ante suocero

Socer magnus

Moj dziadek

Kayni dSdSm •

Tso appTni

175. Wife's grandmother.

Translation.

176. Step-father.

Translation.

1
2
3
4

5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
•29
30
31
32
33
34
35
M
37
38
39

Sitt amrati

Grandmother of wife my.
u tt a

it ii ti
My other's old mother.

Grandmother of my wife.

Wife's grandmother.
Grandmother of wife mine.
Wife's grandmother.

it ii
a ti

ii ii

The grandmother of my wife,
it ti ti " ti
u u ii it

Great mother-in-law.

tt it ii it

Wife's grandmother.

My grandmother.

it u

Grandmother my.

My grandmother-in-law.
Grandmother of wife my.

Great mother-in-law my.

Uncle my.

it U

Husband of mother my.
Father my (step).
My step-father,
tt tt tt
ft tt tt

ft U tf

ft ll tl

Step- father.
Step-father mine.
Step-father,
ft it
a f<
(t tt
tt tt
tt ft
ft ft
tt tt
My step-father.
Step-father,
tt tt
it tt
ft tf
tt tt

My step- father.

tt a n
tt tt it

Step-father my.
My step-father.
My fatherhood.
My step-father.

My father half.

Sawiiuta d' bakhtee

M'oide

Fy llus tad

Stedfader

Styupfadir min

Styffar

Frauen bess mohder

Stief vader

Kayni mSnfina

Diipeereh zhumay

Ts& anopplnl

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

123

TABLE I. — Continued.

177. Step-mother.

Translation.

178. Step-son.

Translation.

1

2
3
4

5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
l(i
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
3t>
37
38
39

Khaleti

Aunt my.
ft it

Wife of father my.
Mother my (step)

My step-mother.
it a ti

(i n it

Step-mother.

n it

Step-mother mine.

Step-mother.

ti tt

tt it
it u
tt it
tt tt
tt tt
ti tt

My step-mother.

Step-mother.
tt tt

it it
tt tt
tt it

My step-mother.

tt n n

ti it ti

Step-mother my.

" it tt

My step-mother.
My motherhood.
Step-mother my.

My mother half.

Karfiti

Step-son my.
Son of wife my.
Son of husband or wife my.
Son my (step).
My step-son.

ti U it
(( (C 11

Husband's son.
Step-son.
Step-son mine.
Step-son.

(( 4i
tt 11

I It

c tt

t u
t ti

I U

My step-son.

Step-son.
u tt

II <C

tt tl
tt tl

My step-son.

(( U tl

n tt it
Step-son my.

(i u it

My step-son.
My souhood. b Not own son.
My step-son.

Son half my.

Khiilati

Kiibihi . ...

Esheth abhi

Ymmee ligii

Hortmire

Mo las valiair

Fy llus fam

Fy llus fab

Vimuta

Stedmoder

Styupmodir mill

Styfmor

gtyf^nn

Steop modor

Stepmother

Stief moeder

Step moeder

Stief mohder

Stiefmutter

Stief sohn .

Ma belle-mere

Madrastra

Madrastra

Matrigna

Noverca

Matruia

Mano moczeka

Moja macocha

Ma ruacocha

Mash te!i a mi

Mashteha mi

Maja matchikha

(Vhulukun b Eoy£ oghiil

DamSereli mun

Mostoha anyain

Alt! puoleni

Poikix puoleni

170. Step-danghter.

Translation.

180. Step-brother.

Translation.

1

2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
IS
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Kariiteti

Step-daughter my.
Daughter of wife my.
Daughter of husband or wife my.
Daughter my (step).
My step-daughter.
a ti a

ti it it

Husband's daughter.
Step-daughter.
Step-daughter my.
Step-daughter.
a tt
it ti
it it
it it
it it
ti tt
tt it

My step-daughter.

Step-daughter.
a a

it it
u a
it it

My step-daughter.
<( u n

t< it it

Step-daughter my.
tt tt tt

My step-daughter.
My daughterliood. '' Not own dau.
My step-daughter.

Daughter half my.

Akhi

Brother my.
ti n

Son of father or mother my.
Son of mother my (step).
My step-brother.

U (( ((

It tt tl
It tl tl

Step-brother.

(t <(

Step-brother mine.

Step-brother.

tt

it
it
tt
u
tt
it

My step-brother.
My step-brother or half brother.
Step-brother.
a u
tt ti

My half brother.
tt it tt

Step-brother my.

My brotherhood.
My .step- brother.
Son of father my.

Brother half my.

Kabihati

Akhi..

Bath Mil " bath Ishti .

Bgn abhi or ben immi

Horte tooster

Fy llus ferch .

Bhartr suta

Vaimatra

Steddatter

Styupdottir miu

Styfdotter

Styfbror

Step dochter

Stief dochter

Stief brohr

Stieftoohter

Stieftochter .

Stiefbruder

Ma belle-fille

Hijastra

Fratellastro

Frater

Dovedenitsa mi
Paisterka mi

Zavarnik mi

Maja padtcheritza

124"

SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

181. Step-sister.

Translation.

182. Son-in-law.

Tran.slation.

I
Z
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Akhti

Sister my.

ft U

Daughter of father or mother my.
Daughter of mother my (step).

My step-sister,
u ft tt

tt ti tt
it it tt

Step-sister.

«t it

Step-sister my.
Step-sister,
u it

tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt tt
tt it
tt tt

My step-sister.
My step-sister or half-sister.
Step-sister.

tt If

t< tt

My half-sister,
tt tt tt

Step-sister my.

My not own sister.
My step-sister.

Sister half my.

Khatan. b Saha

Son-in-law. l( Bridegroom.

« 11 U
it U ti
U ti 11

Son in-law my.
My son-in-law.

u « a

11 11 H
it tt tt

Son-in-law.

a tt

Son-in-law my.

Son-in-law.

it tt

tt tt
tt M
« it

Daughter's husband.
Son-in-law. b Daughter's husband.

tt U ft ((

My son-in-law.

Son-in-law.

t< u

tt tt
ft tt
tt <t

tt <t

My son-in-law.
Son-in-law.

Son-in-law my.

tt tt tt

My son-in-law.

U H (t

Son-in-law my.

It tt U

tt tl tt

Ikhti

Suhri

Klrthani

Mo chliamhiun

Mabnnghy fraith

Vaimatri . .

Mag...

Schwiegersohn. b Tochtermann..
Schwiegersohn. b Tochterniann..

Mfmo pussesu (utrao)

Ma newlastna aestra

Eoy6 knzkarndashum

ihooshkee munch khort

Slsar puolent

WS-vyut

183. Daughter-in-law.

Translation.

184. Brother-in-law (husbaud's brother).

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
:i4

u

M

37
88
89

Kinnet

Daughter-in-law.

ti tt

Daughter-in-law. b Bride.

tt ti tt

My son's woman.

My danghter-in-law.
tt it tt

Danghter-in-law.
tf ft

ft tf

Danehter-in-Iaw mine.
Daughter-in-law,
f tt
t tt
t tf
t tf
Son s daughter.

Daughter-in-law,
it it

My danghter-in-law.
Daughter-in-law,
if u
it it
tt ti
ft tt

My daughter-in-law,
fi it it

Daughter-in-law my.

ti tt ft

My daughter-in-law,
u tt it

Daughter-in-law my.
ti u it

ti u u

Son of uncle my.
Husband's brother my.
Brother-in-law my.

Husband's brother my.
Brother-in-law.

My other's brother,
tt u t<

Husband of my brother.
My brother-iii-law.

Brother-in-law,
tf ft

Brother-in-law mine.

Brother-in-law.

tt it

i it
t ti
t u
t tt
i tt
t it
My brother-in-law.

Brother-in-law,
tt tt

tt tt

tt <t
tt tt

Husband's brother.
My brother-in-law.
a tt tt

Brother-in-law my.

ft ft tt

My brother-in-law,
tt it tt

Husband's brother my.
tt tt ti

Kinnati

Silfi

Kallathf

Y'bhami

Kelta

Ban mo vie

Inneen sy laigh

Mo bhrathair ceille

Merch yunghy fraith

R 1 1 -fl

Aroos

Snuska

Svigerdatter

Tengdadottir min

Sonhustru

Snor. b Snorn

Daughter-in-law

Schoon dooliter

7

Schoon dochter

<Z \ V. A

Soohns frail

Schwiegertochter. b Schnnr
Schwiegertochter
Ma bru
Nuera
Nora

Schwager
Sch wager
Mon beau-frere
Cxinado

Figliastra
Nurns
Nuos

Moja ziec

Cognato
Lerir
Daer

Ma nevesta
Snnha mi

MQj swat (swagor)

Snuha mi
Moja tmokha. b Nevestka
GSlInim

Dever mi
Moi dever
Kiiyinim

Menyem
Mlnl&ni

Vu.stiioora
Kytyni

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

125

TABLE I. — Continued.

185. Brother-in-law (sister's husband).

Translation.

186. Brother-in-law (wife's brother).

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Znj akhti

Husband of sister my.
it (t it

a tt it

My sister's man.
it tt it

Husband of my sister.
My brother-in-law.

Brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law (sister's man).
Brother-in-law mine.

Brother-in law.
<

i

i
c
<

ft

(C

My brother-in-law.
Brother by courtesy.
Brother-in-law.
tt tt
it it
tt tt

My brother-in-law.
tt tt n

Brother-in-law my.

tt tt it

My brother-in-law,
tt tt it

Brother-in-law my.
Sister's husband my.

Son of uncle my.

ft it if

Brother of wife my.

Suhri

AkhSna d'bakhtee

My other's brother.

tl U it

Brother of my wife.
My brother-in-law.

Brother-in-law.
n «

Brother-in-law mine.
Brother-in-law.

a n

tt H
tl 11
It It
tt tt
11 tt
tt It

My brother-in-law.
Brother-in-law.

u t(

t( (C

(( It

Wife's brother.

My brother-in-law,
u tt tt

Brother-in-law my.

tt « tt

My brother-in-law.

(4 tt if

Son.
Wife's brother my.

Fear uio pkiuthar cbeille

Brawd ynnghy fraith

Syalah. b Syalakah

Svo^er. Sosters mand

Svager

Athum

Z wager

Reihtswaer

Swoger

Sch waiter

Srhwager

Mon beau-frere

Cunhado

Cognati

Maritus sororis

Kedestes

Laigon&s

Muj swat

Muj swat

Zet mi

Zet mi

Moi dever

EuTshtim

NaalS.ni

187. Brother-in law (wife's sister's husband).

Translation.

188. Sister-in-law (wife's sister).

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
2!)
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
:J>7
38
39

Zoj bint ammi

Daughter of uncle my.
Sister's husband of wife my.

Husband of my wife's sister.

My other's sister's man.
tt tt tt tt

Sister's husband of wife mine.
Sister's husband of wife.

Wife's sister's husband.
The husband of my sister-in-law.

Wife's sister's husband.
tt ft tt

Husbands of two sisters.

Brother-in-law my.
Brother-in-law.

My brother-in-law.
Husband of my wife's sister.

Wife's sister's husband my.

Daughter of uncle my.

ft ft tt tt

Sister of my wife.
Sister of my wife.
My other's sister,
tt tt tt

Sister of my wife.
My sister-iu-Iaw.

Sister-in-law.

(f U

Sister-in-law my.

Sister-in-law.

« tt
tt tt
it ti
ti tt
it tt
it it

My sister-in-law.

Sister-in-law,
tt tt

if it
u u

Wife's sister.
My sister-in-law,
tt ft tt

Sister-in-law (Turkish).

My sister-in-law.
tt it tt

Sister-in-law my.
tt tt tt

Audili

Barakhmatee

Far driflur mo chelT

Driffur mo ch&H

Brathair ceille mo rnhua

Syalika

Svigerinde. b Kones soster

Maggona. b Tengdasystur min. ...

Der uiaiiu meiuer suhwagerin

Concuiihado

Badjanak (Turkish)

126

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE I. — Continued.

189. Sister-iu-law (husband's sister).

Translation.

190. Sister-in-law (brother's wife).

Translation.

1
2
3

4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Bint m '

Daughter of uncle ray.
a ii ii

Sister of husband my.
Sister-in-law my.
My other's sister.
11 11 11

Sister of my husband.
My sister-in-law.

Sister-in-law.
Sister-in-law. (b Man's sister.)
Sister-in-law mine.
Sister-in-law.

11 <!

11
11
11
it
it

My sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law by courtesy.
Sister-in-law.

41 It
(( 11

Husband's sister.

My sister-in-law,
u tt 11

Sister-in-law my.
Sister-in-law.

My sister-in-law.

tt it tt

Sister-in-law my.

tt ti tt

Husband's sister my.

Ararat akhi

Wife of brother my.
ti it ti tt

Sister-in-law my.
Sister my.
Sister-in-law.
My brother's woman.

Wife of my brother,
it tt it ii

My sister-in-law.

Brother's wife.
Sister-in-law. b Brother's wife.
Sister-in-law mine.
Sister-in-law.

a ii
ti i
ti i
nt .
ti i
ii i

My sister-in-law.

Sister-iu-law.
it it

ii ii

My sisler-in-law.

it it tt

Sister-in-law my.
tt it ti

My sister-in-law.
My brother's wife.
Wife of brother my.

Brother's my wife.

Silfati

Kliata d'jroree

Y'chimti

Khatee

Dalles

Beau mo bhrathair

Beu my braar

Chwaer ynughy fraith

Prajavati

Svigerinde. b Broders kone.

Maggona. » Systur Manns rains..

Maggona. b Br5dur koua mins...

Schwiigerin

Schwagerin

Canada politica

Glos

Fratria .

Galos

Mosza

Moja zolovka

Ma swatine. b Swagrina

Zolovka. b Sestritza

Zulva

Moja zolovka

Gorfimeh mun

NatonI

191. Sister-in-law (husband's brother's
wife).

Translation.

192. Two father's-in-law to each other.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
S3
34
35
36
37
38
39

Ararat ibn ammi

Wife of son of unole my.
11 it it 11 tt

Sister-in-law my.
Wife of my husband's brother.
Sister-in-law.
My other's brother's woman.

Sister-in-law.

Wife of brother of man my.
Wife of brother.

My brother-in-law's wife.
The wife of my brother-in-law.

Husband's brother's wife,
it 11 it

11 it 11
Wives of brothers.

Sister-in-law my.
Sister-iu-law.

My sister-in-law.
Sister-iu-law.

Brother's wife my.

Uncle of son my.
Marriage relations.

Marriage relations.
(If not of same family.)

Not related.
The fathers of the married pair.

Marriage relations.

Silfati

Y'clrimtl

Nare ess

Ban drihar mo ehell

Yata

Kona brodur manns minfl.. . .

Svagerska

Meines schwagers frau

Die frau ineiuea schwagers

Concufiada

Concunhada

Jamitrices

Einateres

Etnrva mi

.Svat

Eltl-m

Svat

Father-in-law.

Idemta

Kalynl

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

127

TABLE I. — Continued.

193. Two mothers-in-law to each other.

Translation.

194. Widow.

Translation.

1

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Wife of uncle of son my.

Marriage relations.

Marriage relations.
(If not of same family.)

Not related.
The mothers of the married pair.

Mother-in-law.

Widow.

<

i
i
t

t
t

t

Widow (wedder — single).
u

M
It
H
((
U

a

t
i

<
t

t

A widow.
Widow.

M

U
M

tt

u
tt
M

M
(C

tt

tt
it
tt

it

Enke

Ekkya . .

Enka

Laf

Widdefrau

Wittfrau. b Wittwe

Wittwe

Vidua '

Naszle

Wdowa

Vdovitsa

Leskf

195. Widower.

Translation.

196. Twins.

Translation.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

21;
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39

Widower.

«

M

It
il
fl
tt
•
H

a

H
M

({

|

(
1
I
I

A TV i dower.
Widower.

H
M
H
M

tt
it
M
H

11

•
H
M
H

H

T6me

Twins.

u
tt

Pairs.
Twins.
A pair.

Twins.

it

H

tt
it
It
it

tt

tt
tt
tt
it
tt
it
tt
tt
tt
tt
tt

tt
tt
It
tt
it
tt
tt

tt

it

•Taum

T'omim

Beirth b Deesh

Efilliaid

Ekkill

Tviburar

Twins

Z welling

Widdeman

Wittmaun. b Wittwer

Wittwer

Viduo

Gemelli. bMellizi

Viduus

Naszlyg

Wdowiec

Blinatzi

Dvoini

Dfil ...

Ekiz

Zhunebee

Iker

PART II.

CLASSIFICATORY SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP.

GANOWANIAN FAMILY

WITH A TABLE.

17 Deoemoer, 1869. i -, on \

CHAPTER I.

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY.

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS, TOGETHER WITH AN ANALYSIS OF THE SYSTEM.

Evidence of the Unity of Origin of the Indian Family— Name proposed for this Family — Their System elaborate
and complicated — Opulence of Nomenclatures — Usages tending to its Maintenance — American Indians, when
related, salute by Kin — Never address each other by Personal Name — Manner of Procuring their System of Rela-
tionship— White Interpreters — Indians speaking English — Their Progress in this respect — Many Languages now
accessible — Others which are not — The Table — Dialectical Variation — Less than has been supposed — Advan-
tages of a Uniform Notation — Of Using same Pronominal Forms — Etymologies of Terms lost — Identity of the
System throughout the Family — Deviations from Uniformity — Their Uses — The Tribal Organization — Prohibi-
tion of Intermarriage in the Tribe — Descent in the Female Line — Exceptions — Two Great Divisions of the
Family — Roving Indians — Village Indians — Intermediate Nations — Three Stages of Political Organization —
The Tribe, the Nation, and the Confederacy of Nations — Founded upon Consanguinity, Dialect, and Stock Lan-
guage— Numbers of the American Aborigines overestimated — Analysis of their System of Relationship.

THE recognized families of mankind have received distinctive names, which are
not only useful and convenient in description, but serve to register the progress of
ethnology as well. Up to the present time the linguistic evidence of the unity of
origin of the American aborigines has not been considered sufficiently complete
to raise them to the rank of a family, although the evidence from physical charac-
teristics, and from institutions, manners, and customs, tends strongly in the direction
of unity of origin. Altogether these currents of testimony lead so uniformly to
this conclusion that American ethnologists have very generally adopted the opinion
of their genetic connection as the descendants of a common parent nation. In the
ensuing chapters additional and independent evidence, drawn from their system
of relationship, will be produced, establishing, as we believe, their unity of origin,
and, consequently, their claim to the rank of a family of nations. The name
proposed for this family is the Ganowanian; to consist of the Indian nations
represented in the table, and of such other nations as are hereafter found to
possess the same system of relationship. This term is a compound from Ga'-no,
an arrow, and Wa-a'-no, a bow, taken from the Seneca dialect of the Iroquois
language, which gives for its etymological signification the family of " the Bow and
Arrow."1 It follows the analogy of "Aryan," from cm/a, which, according to Miiller,
signifies " one who ploughs or tills," and of " Turanian," from tura, which, according
to the same learned author, " implies the swiftness of the horseman." Should the
family thus christened become ultimately merged in the Turanian or Indo-American,

1 Ga-no-wa/-ni-an : a, as a in father ; ft, as a in at ; a, as a in ale.

(131)

132 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

which is not improbable, the term would still remain as an appropriate designation
for the American division.

There are several features in the elaborate system of relationship about to be
presented that will arrest attention, and, perhaps, prompt inquiries, some of which
it may be advisable to anticipate.

It may be premised, first, that every relationship which is discriminated by the
Aryan family, as well as a large number unnoticed, is recognized by the Gano-
wanian ; secondly, that the nomenclatures of relationship in the dialects of the latter
family are more opulent than those of any other, not excepting the Turanian;
and thirdly, that their system is so diversified with specializations and so compli-
cated in its classifications as to require careful study to understand its structure
and principles. Upon the strength of these statements it may be asked how rude
and uncultivated Indians have been able to maintain such a system of relationship
as that unfolded in the table \ and, lastly, how it was possible to prosecute, through
so many unwritten dialects, the minute inquiries necessary to its full development,
and to verify the results ? The answers to these questions have such a direct
bearing upon the truthfulness of the table, upon which the final results of this
research must depend, as to overcome, in a great measure, the repugnance of the
author to refer to his personal labors in tracing out this extraordinary system of
relationship amongst the American Indian nations ; and he trusts that the necessity
which impels him to such a reference will be received as a sufficient apology.

A single usage disposes of the first of the proposed questions. The American
Indians always speak to each other, when related, by the term of relationship, and
never by the personal name of the individual addressed. In familiar intercourse,
and in formal salutation, they invariably address each other by the exact relation-
ship of consanguinity or affinity in which they stand related. I have put the
question direct to native Indians of more than fifty different nations, in most cases
at their villages or encampments, and the affirmance of this usage has been the
same in every instance. Over and over again it has been confirmed by personal
observation. When it is considered that the number of those who are bound
together by the recognized family ties is several times greater than amongst
ourselves, where remote collateral relatives are practically disowned, the necessity
for each person to understand the system through all its extent to enable him to
address his kinsman by the conventional term of relationship becomes at once
apparent. It is not only the custom to salute by kin, but an omission to recognize
in this manner a relative, would, amongst most of these nations, be a discourtesy
amounting to an affront. In Indian society the mode of address, when speaking
to a relative, is the possessive form of the term of relationship; e. g., my father,
my elder brother, my grandson, my nephew, my niece, my uncle, my son-in-law, my
brotlier-in-law, and so on throughout the recognized relationships. If the parties
are not related, then my friend. The effect of this custom in imparting as well as
preserving a knowledge of the system through all of its ramifications is sufficiently
obvious. There is another custom which renders this one a practical necessity.
From some cause, of which it is not necessary here to seek an explanation, an
American Indian is reluctant to mention his own personal name. It would be a

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 133

violation of good manners for an Indian to speak to another Indian by his name.
If I ask one to tell me his name he will probably comply with my request after a
moment's hesitation, because, as an American, the question is not singular from
me ; but, even then, if he has a companion with him, the latter will at once relieve
him from embarrassment by answering in his place.1 In repeated instances I have
verified this peculiarity in widely separated localities. This reserve in the use
of personal names has tended to prevent the relaxation of the usage of addressing
by kin, whilst, at the same time, it has contributed powerfully to the knowledge
and maintenance of the system. It may also be stated, as a summary of the causes
which have contributed to its perpetuation, that it is taught to each in childhood,
and practised by all through life. Amongst the numerous and widely scattered
nations represented in the table the system of consanguinity and affinity therein
unfolded is, at this moment, in constant practical daily use.

To the second question the answer is equally plain. Thirty years ago it would
have been impossible to work out this system of relationship, in its details, in any
considerable number of the languages named, from the want of a medium of com-
munication. There are nations still on the Pacific side of the continent whose
languages are not sufficiently opened to render them accessible, except for the
most common purposes. The same difficulty, also, exists with respect to some
of the nations of New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and of the Upper Missouri. The
trapper and the trader who spend their lives in the mountains, or at the posts
of the Fur Companies, usually acquire so much only of each language as is
necessary to their vocation, although there are instances among this class of men
where particular languages have been fully acquired after a residence of twenty or
thirty years in the Indian country ; as in the case of Robert Meldrum, of the Crow
language, of Alexander Culbertson, of the Blackfoot, and of James Kipp, of the
Mandan. Even the Missionaries do not acquire the complete range of an Indian
language until after a residence of fifteen or twenty years among the people
expended in its constant study and use. The difficulty of filling up one of the
schedules was by no means inconsiderable when perfectly competent white inter-
preters were employed. The schedule used contains two hundred and thirty-four
distinct questions, all of which were necessary to develop the system without passing
beyond the third collateral line except to elicit the indicative relationships. To
follow it through without confusion of mind is next to impossible, except by
persons accustomed to investigation. With a white interpreter the first obstacle
was the want of a systematic knowledge of our own method of arranging and
describing kindred. He had, perhaps, never had occasion to give the subject a

1 Indian names are single, and in almost all cases significant. When a nation is subdivided into
tribes, the names are tribal property, and are kept distinct. Thus, the Wolf Tribe of the Senecas have
a class of names which have been handed down from generation to generation, and are so well known
that among the Iroquois the tribe of the person can generally be determined from his or her name.
As their names are single, the connection of brothers and sisters could not be inferred from them, nor
that of father and son. Many of the nations have a distinct set of names for childhood, another for
maturity, and still another for old age, which are successively changed.

134 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

moment's reflection ; and when he was taken through the second or more remote
collateral line, with a description of each person by the chain of consanguinity, he
was first bewildered and then confounded in the labyrinth of relationships. It was
necessary, in most cases, to explain to him the method of our own system; after
which the lineal and first collateral line, male and female, and the marriage rela-
tionship in this line, were easily and correctly obtained from the native through
him ; and also the first relationships in the second collateral line in its several
branches. But, on passing beyond these, another embarrassment was encountered
in the great and radical differences between the Indian system and our own, which
soon involved the interpreter in new difficulties more perplexing than the first.
Suffice it to state that it required patient and often repeated attempts to prosecute
the questions successfully to the end of the schedule ; and when the work was
finally completed it was impossible not to be suspicious of errors. The schedule,
however, is so framed as, from its very fulness, to be, in many respects, self-correc-
tive. It was also certain to develop the indicative relationships of the system
however defective it might prove to be in some of its details. The hindrances
here referred to were restricted to cases where white interpreters were necessarily
used.

Another and the chief answer to the supposed question is found in the progress
made, within the last thirty years, in the acquisition of our language by a number
of natives in the greater part of the Indian nations represented in the table.
The need of our language as a means of commercial and political intercourse has
been seriously felt by them ; and, within the period named, it has produced great
changes amongst them in this respect. At the present time among the emigrant
Indian nations in Kansas, in the Indian territory occupied by the Cherokees,
Creeks, and Choctaws, in the territories of Nebraska and Dakota, and also among
the nations still resident in the older States, as the Iroquois in New York, the
Ojibwas on Lake Superior, and the Dakotas in Minnesota, there are many Indians,
particularly half-bloods, who speak our language fluently. Some of them are
educated men. The Indian has proved his linguistic capacities by the facility and
correctness with which he has learned to speak the English tongue. It is, also,
not at all uncommon to find an Indian versed in several aboriginal languages. To
this class of men I am chiefly indebted for a knowledge of their system of relation-
ship, and for that intelligent assistance which enabled me to trace out its minute
details. Knowing their own method of classification perfectly, and much better
than we do our own, they can, as a general rule, follow the branches of the several
collateral lines with readiness and precision. It will be seen, therefore, that with
a native sufficiently versed in English to understand the simple form used in the
schedule to describe each person, it was only necessary to describe correctly the
person whose relationship was sought to ascertain the relationship itself. In this
way the chain of consanguinity was followed step by step through the several
branches of each collateral line until the latter were merged in the lineal. With
a knowledge, on my own part, of the radical features of the Indian system, and
of the formulas of our own, there was no confusion of ideas between my interlocutor
and myself since we were able to understand each other fully. If, at times, he

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 135

lost the connection in following the thread of consanguinity, we commenced again ;
recording the several degrees, as we advanced, by counting the fingers on each
hand, or resorting to some other device to preserve the continuity of the line we
were following. If his knowledge of English was limited, which was frequently
the case, it was always manifest whether or not he understood the question, in a
particular instance, by his answer. It will thus be seen that to obtain their system
of relationship it was far preferable to consult a native Indian, who spoke English
even imperfectly, rather than a white interpreter well versed in the Indian language.
Every question on the schedule was made personal to obtain the precise term of
relationship used by Ego, when addressing the person described. Aside from the
reason that this is the true method of ascertaining the exact relationship, the
Indian sometimes uses, when speaking of a relative, a different term from the one
used when speaking to him ; and if he employs the same term in both cases the
pronominal form is usually different. The following are illustrations of the form
of the question: "What do I call my father's brother when I speak to him." If
the question is asked a Seneca Indian he will answer "Ha'-nih," my father. " What
do I call my father's brother's son if he is older than myself]" He will answer
" Ha'-je" my elder brother. " What do I call my father's brother's son's son V
He will answer " Ha-ali' -wuk" my son. "What should I call the same person
were I a woman 1" He will reply " Ha-so'-neh," my nephew. After going through
all of the questions on the schedule in this manner, with a native speaking English,
settling the orthography, pronunciation, and accent of each term by means of
frequent repetitions, and after testing the work where it appeared to be necessary,
I was just as certain of the correctness of the results as I could have been if a
proficient in this particular Indian language. The same mode of procedure was
adopted, whether a native speaking English or a white interpreter speaking Indian
was employed. Such schedules as were obtained through the former agency were
always the most satisfactory, and procured with the least labor.

It is a singular fact, but one which I have frequently verified, that those
Americans who are most thoroughly versed in Indian languages, from a long
residence in the Indian country, are unacquainted with their system of relationship
except its general features. It does not appear to have attracted their attention
sufficiently to have led to an investigation of its details even as a matter of curiosity.
Not one of the number have I ever found who, from his own knowledge, was able
to fill out even a small part of the schedule. Even the missionaries, who are
scholars as well as proficients in the native languages, were unfamiliar with its
details, as they had no occasion to give the matter a special examination. The
Rev. Cyrus Byington, who had spent upwards of forty years of missionary life
among the Choctas, wrote to me that " it required the united strength of the
mission" to fill out correctly the Chocta schedule in the table ; but the difficulty
was not so much in the system of consanguinity, although it contained some extra-
ordinary features, as in following the several lines and holding each person
distinctly before the mind as formally described in the schedule. The same is also
true of the returned missionaries from Asia, Africa, and the islands of the Pacific,
as to the system of relationship which prevailed among the people with whom they

136 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

had severally resided for years. The attention of many of them had been arrested
by peculiarities in the classification of kindred, but the subject, from its very nature,
was without the range of their investigations. But with native assistance this class
of men possess peculiar qualifications for reaching the details of the system. The
most perfectly executed schedules in the tables were furnished by the American
Home and Foreign Missionaries. On the other hand, the rudest Indian is familiar
with the system of his own nation, having used it constantly throughout its entire
range from early childhood. He will follow you through the several branches
of each line with but little embarrassment if you can manage to engage him in the
work. It requires experience, as well as a knowledge of the Indian character, to
hold a native to a protracted labor of such a tedious character, and to overcome
his aversion to continuous mental exertion. He is, also, suspicious of literary
investigations unless he understands the motive which prompts them ; and sensitive
to ridicule, when their peculiar usages are sought, from his knowledge of their
great unlikeness to our own. After answering a few questions he may abruptly
turn away and refuse to be interrogated further unless his interest is awakened by
a sufficient inducement. It was not always possible to complete a schedule without
consulting the matrons of the tribe. They are skilled in relationships beyond the
males, and can resolve, with facility, questions of remote consanguinity, if the
person is described with sufficient accuracy to show who is intended. A sketch of
the incidents connected with the procurement of such of the schedules as were
worked out by the writer in the Indian country would furnish a number of singular
illustrations of Indian character.

Another fact will become apparent upon a close examination of the table, namely,
the near approach of the terms of relationship to each other in the several dialects
of the same stock-language ; or, in other words, the small amount of dialectical
change these words have undergone, as compared with other words in the published
vocabularies of the same dialects. This was a matter of no slight surprise to the
author. It may be accounted for in part by the constant use of these terms in
every family, and among the members of different families which would tend to
preserve uniformity of pronunciation ; but the chief reason is that these dialects, in
reality, are much nearer to each other than is shown by the ordinary vocabularies.
The greater portion of the schedules in Table II attached to Part II were
filled out by the writer, using the same notation, and after hearing the words, or
terms of relationship, many times repeated by native speakers. This, of itself,
would tend to keep the amount of dialectical variation within its actual limits. On
the contrary, the published vocabularies were made by different persons, using
notations not uniform, and in many cases none at all, which, of itself, would tend
to exaggerate the amount of change. The words in the table are also given with
the pronoun my in combination with the root, which in Indian languages is a
matter of much importance where the words are to be used for philological pur-
poses. The pronoun my or mine, if not in every case inseparable, enters so con-
stantly into combination with terms of a personal kind, and with names for objects
which are personal, that a very marked change is produced in the word itself
when the pronominal form is changed. The following may be taken as illustrations : —

OF TUB HUMAN FAMILY.

137

My father.
Thy "
His "
Our "
Your "
Their "

Kenistenaux or Cree.
Noh --tab- we'.
Koh'-ta-we'.
Oh'-tii-we'.
Koolr-ta-we'.
Koh'-ta-we-woo'.
Oolr-tii-we-woo-wa'

My mother. N'-ga'-we.

Thy " Ke-ga'-we.

His " Oh'-ga'-we-a,

Our " Ke-ga-we-nan'.

Your " Ke-ga-we-woo'.

Their " Oh'-ga'-we-woo-a'.

Cherokee.
A-do'-da.

Seneca-Iroquois.
Ha'-nih.

Tsa-do'-da.

Ya'-nih.

Oo-do'-da.

Ho'-nih.

E-ge-do'-da.
E.-tse-do-da.

Sa-dwa'nih.
Sez-wa'-nih.

Oo-ne-do'-da.

Ha-go'-nih.

A'-tse.
Is-huh'-tse.

Noh-yeh'.
Ga-no'-eh.

Oo'tse.

Hoo-no'-eh.

E-ge'tse.
E-tse'-tse.

A-te'no-eh.
A-che'-no-eh.

Oo-ne'-tse.

Ho-un-de-no'-eh.

These pronominal inflections are carried much further in the Ganowanian lan-
guages than philologists have generally supposed, although this characteristic has
been fully recognized.1 From the fact that the terms of relationship almost uni-
versally involve the pronoun it became important — to secure the advantages which
would result from a comparison of these terms as well as for ascertaining the direct
relationship to Ego of his blood kindred — that all the answers to the questions in the
table should be in the same pronominal form. These questions, therefore, are to
be understood as made in the direct form. " What do I call the person (described
in the question) when I speak to him by the relationship which he sustains to
me V and the term given in the table is to be understood as responsive to the
question in this form ; e. g., " my father," " my son," " my nephew." It would be
impossible for an American Indian, in most of the nations, to use one of these terms
in the abstract.2 There are some exceptions.

1 There are specializations in the dual and plural numbers which, so far as the writer is aware,
have never been presented by Indian grammarians. My attention was first called to these additional
inflections by the Rev. Evan Jones, who for upwards of forty years has been a missionary among the
Cherokees, and who during this period has fully mastered the structure and principles of this lan-
guage. The pronoun myself in the Cherokee is perfect and independent ; the pronoun my, as also
in Iroquois, is capable of a separate inflection ; and all the terms of relationship pass through the
same form. The following illustrations are from the Cherokee : —

a a
cc

&

Person. Myself.

/• 1. A-gwa'-suh, Myself.
•J 2. Tsa'-suh, Thyself.
( 3. Oo-wa'-suh, Himself.
I 1 & 2. Ge'-na-suh, Ourselves, thou and I.
1 & 3. O-ge-na'-suh, Ourselves, he and I.

2. Sda'-suh,
1 & 2. E-ga'-suh,

1 & 3. O-ga'-suh,

2.
3.

E-tsa'-suh,
. O-na'-suh,

Yourselves, you two.

Ourselves, three or more of

yon and me.
Ourselves, three or more of

them and me.
Yourselves, three or more.
Themselves.

My or mine.

A-gwa-tsa'-le, Mine.

Tsa-tsa'-le, Thine.
Oo-tsa'-le,
Gin-e-tsa'-le,

O-gin'-a-tsa-le, His and mine.

Sta-tsa'-le, Yours, you two.

E-ga-tsa'-le, Ours, yours and mine.

His.

Ours, thine and mine.

My elder sister.
Un'-ge-do.
Tsuu'-doh.
Oo-doh'.
Gin-e-doh'.
O-gin'-e-doh.
Sta-doh'.
E-ge-doh'.

O-ga-tsa'-le, Ours, thine and mine. 0-ge-doh'.

E-ga-taa -le,
Oo-tsa'-le,

Yours, three or more.
Theirs.

E-tse-doh'.
Oo-ne-doh'.

3 Many of the words used in the formal vocabularies of the philologists are inferior for comparison,
particularly such as are generic, as tree, fish, deer; such as relate to objects which are personal, as

18 December, 1869.

138 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

It was found impossible to recover the etymological signification of the terms of
relationship. This signification has long since disappeared beyond retrieval. In
a few instances the terms are still significant ; but we know at once, from that fact,
that these terms are of modern introduction. The preservation of the meanings of
this class of words in languages which have been simply oral from time immemo-
rial would have been more remarkable than the loss, since presumptively the larger
portion of these terms must have originated in the primitive speech.

A comparison, in detail, of the forms of consanguinity which prevail in the
nations represented in the table (Table II, Part II) will disclose a number
of deviations from uniformity. These deviations, since they do not invade the
radical features of the system, are invested with special importance. They are
insufficient to lessen the number of fundamental characteristics which should be
common in order to demonstrate, by internal evidence, the common origin of the
system. In general plan, minute details, and apparent design it is one and the
same throughout, with the exception of the Eskimo, which detaches itself from the
Ganowanian connection. It will be seen and recognized that it is far more difficult
to maintain unchanged a complicated and elaborate system of relationship than
one which is free from complexity ; although it may be found to be as difficult for
one as the other to depart essentially from its radical form. Absolute uniformity in
such a system of relationship as the one about to be considered is a naked impos-
sibility. Where we know that the period of separation of the several branches of
the family from each other must be measured by centuries, not to say by decades
of centuries of time, it would be to exclude at once development and modification,
both of which, within narrow limits, are inseparable from all~ systems of rela-
tionship. When this comparison has been made, the inconsiderable amount
of deviation and the constancy of the indicative features of the system will
occasion the greater surprise. These diversities were, for a time, a source of
much perplexity ; but as the range of investigation widened their limits began to
be circumscribed. They appeared to have taken their rise far back in the past, and
to have perpetuated themselves in the several subdivisions of that branch of the
family in which they originated It was perceived at once that they might envelop
a record still decipherable of the immediate genetic connection of those nations,
however widely separated geographically, in whose domestic relationship these
diversities were common. If they could deliver any testimony upon such questions,
they were worthy of careful investigation. These deviations thus become attractive

head, mouth, nose, or which are subject to personal ownership, as hat, pipe, tomahawk, and so on.
In most of our Indian languages there are names for the different species of trees, and of animals,
but no generic name for tree, or fish, or deer. The pronoun also is nsually,found incorporated with
the names of the different organs of the body, and with the names of objects which are personal. If,
for example, I ask an Indian, "What do you call this ?" touching the hat of a person standing near
me, he will reply, " His hat;" if I point to mine, "Your hat," and if to his own, he will say, "My hat."
This element of change tends to impair the usefulness of these words for comparison. ^Such terms
as are founded upon generalizations, as spring, summer, morning, evening, are of but little value.
Many of the words commonly used, however, are free from objection, such as fire, water, rain, hail,
hot, cold, jngeon, crow, elk ; the names of the colors, the numerals, and other words of that character.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 139

rather than repellent as blemishes upon the system. They also furnish some inde-
pendent testimony concerning the migrations of the Ganowanian family.

A brief explanation of the tribal organization as it now prevails amongst the
American aborigines is necessary to a right understanding of the terms tribe and
nation, as used in American Ethnology. This organization has some connection
with the origin of some portion of the classificatory system of relationship. It is
generally found that all the people speaking the same dialect are under one inde-
pendent political government. For this reason they are called a nation, although
numbering but a few hundred, and at most but a few thousand persons. Dialect
and nation, therefore, are coextensive, as employed in Indian ethnography. Such
is usually the case with respect to civilized nations where language becomes the
basis of the distinction. The use of the term nation instead of tribe, to distinguish
such small communities was rendered the more necessary, because the greater pro-
portion of these so called Indian nations were each subdivided into a number of
tribes, which were such in the strict generic sense of the term. The Scr.eca-
Iroquois, for example, are subdivided into eight tribes, the Wolf, Bear, Beaver,
Turtle, Deer, Snipe, Heron, and Hawk. Each tribe is a great family of consan-
guinei, the tribal name preserving and proclaiming the fact that they are the lineal
descendants of the same person. It embraces, however, but a moiety of such
person's descendants. The separation of a portion, and their transference to other
tribes, were effected by the prohibition of intermarriage between individuals of
the same tribe, and by limiting tribal descent to the female line. None of the
members of the Wolf or other tribes were allowed to intermarry in their own
tribe. A woman of the Wolf tribe might marry a man of any other tribe
than her own, but the children of the marriage were of her tribe. If she married
a Cayuga or even an Alien, her children would be Senecas of the Wolf tribe, since
the mother confers both her nationality and her tribal name upon her children. In
like manner her daughters must marry out of the tribe, but the children would
nevertheless belong to the Wolf tribe. On the other hand, her sons must also
marry women of other tribes, and their children, belonging to the tribes of their
respective mothers, are lost to the Wolf connection. The eight tribes are, in this
manner, intermingled throughout the nation, two tribes being necessarily repre-
sented in the heads of every family.

A tribe may be denned as a group of consanguinei, with descent limited either
to the male or to the female line. Where descent is limited to the male line, the
tribe would consist of a supposed male ancestor and his children, together with the
descendants of his sons in the male line forever. It would include this ancestor
and his children, the children of his sons, and all the children of his lineal male
descendants, whilst the children of the daughters of this ancestor, and all the chil-
dren of his female descendants would be transferred to the tribes of their respec-
tive fathers. Where descent is limited to the female line, the tribe would consist
of a supposed female ancestor and her children, together with the descendants of
her daughters in the female line forever. It would include the children of this
ancestor, the children of her daughters, and all the children of her lineal female
descendants, whilst the children of the sons of this ancestor, and all the children of

140 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

her male descendants would be transferred to the tribes of their respective mothers.
Modifications of this form of the tribe may have existed, but this is the substance
of the institution.

Each tribe thus becomes territorially coextensive with the nation, since they were
not separated into independent communities.1 For the reason, therefore, that there
are several tribes of the Senecas, they cannot be called collectively the Seneca tribe ;
but inasmuch as they all speak the same dialect and are under one political organi-
zation, there is a manifest propriety in calling them the Seneca nation. Among
the nations whose institutions were the most developed, the office of sachem or chief
was hereditary in the female line. Each tribe had the right to furnish its own civil
ruler, and consequently the office could never pass out of the tribe. One singular
result of this institution relating to the descent of official dignities was the perpetual
disinheritance of the sons of sachems. As father and son were necessarily of dif-
ferent tribes, the son could not succeed to his father's office. It passed to the
sachem's brother, who was of the same tribe, or to one of the sons of one of his
sisters, who was also of the same tribe, the choice between them being determined
by election. This was the rule among the Iroquois, among a portion of the
Algonkin nations, and also among the Aztecs. In a number of Indian nations
descent is now limited to the male line, with the same prohibition of intermarriage
in the tribe, and the son succeeds to the father's office. There are reasons for
believing that this is an innovation upon the ancient custom, and that descent in
the female line was once universal in the Ganowanian family.

The aboriginal inhabitants of North America, when discovered, were divided into
two great classes, or were found in two dissimilar conditions ; each of which
represented a distinct mode of life. The first and lowest condition was that of the
Roving Indians, who lived chiefly upon fish, and also upon game. They were
entirely ignorant of agriculture. Each nation inhabited a particular area which
they defended as their home country ; but roamed through it without being sta-
tionary in any locality. They spent a part of the year at their fishing encamp-
ments, and the remainder in the mountains, or in the "forest districts most favora-
ble for game. Of this class the Athapascans, west of Hudson's Bay, the nations of
the valley of the Columbia, the Blackfeet, Shoshonees, Crees, Assiniboines, and
Dakotas, and the Great Lake and Missouri nations are examples. The second and
highest condition was that of the Village Indians, who were stationary in villages,
arid depended exclusively upon agriculture for subsistence. They lived in com-

1 Among the nations, besifles the Iroquois, who are subdivided into tribes, are the Wyandotes,
Winnebagoes, Otoes, Kaws, Osages, lowas, Omahas, Punkas, Cherokees, Creeks, Choetas, Chickasas,
Ojibwas, Otawas, Potawattamies, Sauks and Foxes, Menominies, Miamas, Shawnees, Delawares,
Mohegans, Munsees, Shoshonees, Comanches, the Village Indians of New Mexico, the Aztecs, and
some other ancient Mexican nations. Some of the Algonkin find Dakotan nations have lost the tribal
organization, which presumptively they once possessed, as the Crees and the Dakotas proper. It is not
found among the Athapascas, nor amongst the nations in the valley of the Columbia, although it is said
to prevail amongst the nations of the northwest coast. In addition to the Iroquois tribes above men-
tioned, the following may be named : Crane, Duck, Loon, Turkey, Musk-rat, Sable, Pike, Sturgeon,
Carp, Buffalo, Elk, Reindeer, Eagle, Hare, Babbit, and Snake.

OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 141

munal houses constructed of adobe brick, or of rubble-stone and mud mortar, or of
stone and mortar, and several stories high. This class had made considerable pro-
gress in civilization, but without laying aside their primitive domestic institutions.
The Village Indians of New Mexico, of Mexico, and Yucatan are examples of this
class. Between these two great divisions of the American aborigines there was a
third or intermediate class, which exhibited all the gradations of condition be-
tween them, apparently forming the connecting links uniting them in one great
family. The gradations were so uniform as to be substantially imperceptible, unless
the extremes were contrasted. These intermediate nations were the partially
Roving and partially Village Indians, who united agricultural subsistence with
that upon fish and game, and resided for the greater part of the year in villages.
Of this class the Iroquois, the Hurons, the Powhattan Indians of Virginia, the
Creek, Choctas, Natches, Sauks and Foxes, Mandans, and Minnetaries, are ex-
amples. The two classes of nations, with those intermediate in condition, represent
all the phases of Indian society, and possess homogeneous institutions, but under
different degrees of development.

In their civil organizations there are, and have been, but three stages of progres-
sive development, which are represented by the tribe, the nation, and the confede-
racy of nations. The unit of organization, or the first stage, was the tribe, all the
members of which, as consanguinei, were held together by blood affinities. The
second stage was the nation, which consisted of several tribes intermingled by mar-
riage, and all speaking the same dialect. They were held together by the affinities
of an identical speech. To them, as a nation, appertained the exclusive possession
of an independent dialect, of a common government, and of territorial possessions.
The greater proportion of the Ganowanian family never advanced beyond the
national condition. The last, and the ultimate stage of organization was the con-
federacy of nations. It was usually, if not invariably, composed of nations speaking
dialects of the same stock-language. The Iroquois, Otawa, Powhattan, and Creek
Confederacies, the Dakota League of the Seven Council Fires, the Aztec Confede-
racy between the Aztecs, Tezcucans, and Tlacopans, and the Tlascalan Confede-
racy are familiar examples. It thus appears, that whilst we have for our own
political series, the town, the county, the state, and the United States, which are
founded upon territory, each in turn resting upon an increasing territorial area cir-
cumscribed by metes and bounds, the American aborigines have for theirs, the tribe,
the nation, and the confederacy of nations, which are founded respectively upon
consanguinity, dialect, and stocJc-language. The idea of a state, or of an empire
in the proper sense of these terms, founded upon territory, and not upon persons,
with laws in the place of usages, with municipal government in the place of the
unregulated will of chiefs, and with a central executive government in the place
of a central oligarchy of chiefs, can scarcely be said to have existed amongst any
portion of our aboriginal inhabitants. Their institutions had not developed to this
stage, and never could have reached it until a knowledge of property and its iises
had been formed in their minds. It is to property considered in the concrete that
modern civilization must ascribe its origin.

With respect to their numbers, there are no reasons for believing that they were

142 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

ever very numerous, even in the most favored localities. Although spread over
immense areas and in the occupation of many fruitful regions, still, without field
agriculture, or flocks and herds, it was impossible that they should develop a large,
much more a dense population. They possessed neither flocks nor herds, and their
agriculture never rose above garden-bed culture, performed with no better imple-
ments than those of wood and bone. In the valley of Mexico, where there are
reasons for supposing that irrigation upon a large scale was practised, production
was greater than in other areas. But notwithstanding the exception to some
extent of this region, the current statements with reference to the numbers of the
American aborigines are unsupported by trustworthy evidence. The history of the
human family does not afford an instance of a large population without ample
pastoral subsistence or field agriculture. It may also be safely affirmed that the
real distance in social condition between the Aztecs, as one of the highest represen-
tatives of the Village Indians, and the Iroquois, as one of the highest representa-
tives of the Northern Indians, was not as great as has been generally supposed,
although the former had reached a state considerably more advanced. If the civil
and domestic institutions, arts, inventions, usages, and customs of the Northern
Indians are compared with those of the Southern Village Indians, so far as the
latter are reliably ascertained, whatever differences exist will be found to consist
in the degree of development of the same homogeneous conceptions of a common
mind, and not of ideas springing from a different source. With the common origin
of the Village and Northern Indians established, there is no further problem of
much difficulty in American Ethnology.

It now remains to present an analysis of the Indian system of relationship ; and
after that to take up in detail the system of the several nations represented in the
Table ; and to trace its radical characteristics as well as the extent of its distribu-
tion. It will be found that a common system prevails amongst all the nations
named therein, with the exception of the Eskimo.

The system of relationship considered in Part I was characterized as descriptive
because, in its original form, the collateral and a portion of the lineal consanguine!
of every person were described by a combination of the primary terms. For
example, the phrase " father's brother" was used to designate an uncle on the
father's side ; " brother's son" for a nephew, and " father's brother's son" for one
of the four male cousins. The discrimination of these relationships, in the con-
crete, was an aftergrowth in point of time, and exceptional in the system. After
it was effected and special terms had been introduced to express those relationships,
in some of the branches of the great families named, they were sufficient for the
designation of but a small portion of the blood kindred of each individual. At
least four-fifths within the limits of the first five collateral lines, and within six
degrees from the common ancestor, could only be indicated by means of descriptive
phrases. At the present time, therefore, it is a descriptive system. It has also
been called a natural system, because it is founded upon a correct appreciation of
the distinction between the lineal and several collateral lines, and of the perpetual
divergence of the latter from the former. Each relationship is thus specialized
and separated from every other in such a manner as to decrease its nearness, and

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 143

diminish its value according to the degree of the distance of each person from the
central Ego. By this formal recognition of the divergence of the streams of the
blood and the connection of consanguinei through common ancestors, the numerical
system suggested by the nature of descents was affirmed. It also assumed the
existence of marriage between single pairs.

In contradistinction from descriptive the term classificatory will be employed to
characterize the system of consanguinity and affinity of the Ganowanian, Turanian,
and Malayan families, which is founded upon conceptions fundamentally different.
Among the latter families consanguinei are never described by a combination of the
primary terms ; but on the contrary they are arranged into great classes or categories
upon principles of discrimination peculiar to these families. All the individuals of
the same class are admitted into one and the same relationship, and the same special
term is applied indiscriminately to each and all of them. For example, my father's
brother's son is my brother under the system about to be considered ; and I apply
to him the same term which I use to designate an own brother : the son of this
collateral brother and the son of my own brother are both my sons. And I apply
to them the same term I would use to designate my own son. In other words, the
person first named is admitted into the same relationship as my own brothers, and
these last named as my own sons. The principle of classification is carried to
every person in the several collateral lines, near and remote, in such a manner as
to include them all in the several great classes. Although apparently arbitrary
and artificial, the results produced by the classification are coherent and systematic.
In determining the class to which each person belongs, the degrees, numerically,
from Ego to the common ancestor, and from the latter to each kinsman, are strictly
regarded. This knowledge of the lines of parentage is necessary to determine the
classification. As now used and interpreted, with marriage between single pairs
actually existing, it is an arbitrary and artificial system, because it is contrary to
the nature of descents, confounding relationships which are distinct, separating
those which are similar, and diverting the streams of the blood from the collateral
channels into the lineal. Consequently, it is the reverse of the descriptive system.
It is wholly impossible to explain its origin on the assumption of the existence of
the family founded upon marriage between single pairs ; but it may be explained
with some degree of probability on the assumption of the antecedent existence of
a series of customs and institutions, one reformatory of the other, commencing with
promiscuous intercourse and ending with the establishment of the family, as now
constituted, resting upon marriage between single pairs.

From the complicated structure of the system it is extremely difficult to separate,
by analysis, its constituent parts and present them in such a manner as to render
them familiar and intelligible without close application. There are, however,
several fundamental conceptions embodied in the system, a knowledge of which
will contribute to its simplification. The most of them are in the nature of indi-
cative characteristics of the system, and may be stated as follows: First, all of the
descendants of an original pair are not only, theoretically, consanguinei, but all of
them fall within the recognized relationships. Secondly, relations by blood or
marriage are never described by a combination of the primary terms, but a single

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

special term, is applied to each of them. Persons who stand to Eyo in unequal
degrees, and who are related to him in different ways, are thus placed upon the
same level in the rank of their relationship. It makes no difference that it is a
false use of terms, for example, to call my father's brother my father, when he is not
my father in our sense of progenitor, since it is the Indian method of classification,
and with that alone we are now concerned. Thirdly, the several collateral lines
in every case are ultimately merged in the lineal line, by means of which the pos-
terity of my collateral consanguinei become my posterity. Fourthly, the relation-
ship of cousin is the most remote collateral degree which is recognized : conse-
quently, none of the descendants of an original pair can fall without this collateral
relationship. The number of recognized consanguinei is exceedingly multiplied by
the operative force of the last two provisions. Fifthly, the children of brothers are
brothers and sisters to each other; the children of sisters are brothers and sisters
to each other ; but the children of a brother and sister stand to each other in a dif-
ferent and more remote relationship. Sixthly, the relationship of uncle is restricted
to the mother's brothers, and to the brothers of such other persons as stand to Ego
in the relation of a mother. Seventhly, the relationship of aunt is restricted to the
sister of a father, and to the sisters of such other persons as stand to Ego in the
relation of a father. Eighthly, the relationships of nephew and niece arc restricted,
where Ego is a male, to the children of his sisters, and to the children of such col-
lateral persons as stand to him in the relation of a sister. But when Ego is a
female they are restricted to the children of her brother, and to the children of
such other persons as stand to her in the relation of a brother. Ninthly, the cor-
relative relationships are strictly applied ; the person whom I call grandson calls
me grandfather; the one I call nephew calls me uncle; the one I call father-in-law
calls me son-in-law; and so on through every recognized relationship. To each of
the foregoing propositions there are some exceptions, but they are few in number.
Lastly, whilst this system of relationship recognizes and upholds the bond of con-
sanguinity to an unprecedented extent, it contradicts, and attempts apparently to
thwart, the natural outflow of the streams of the blood. At the same time the
principles upon which it rests are enforted with rigorous precision.

An analysis of this system of relationship will develop its fundamental conceptions
in the form of independent propositions, by means of which a comparison can be
made between the several forms as they now exist in the branches of the family.
This comparison will determine whether or not the system is one and the same
throughout the family. At the same time the features in which there is a devia-
tion from uniformity will be separated from those which are constant. It will then
be seen whether these deviations invade any characteristics of the system which
must be regarded as fundamental, or simply represent an amount of contraction
and expansion which must be considered inseparable from its complicated structure.
It is, therefore, important that this analysis should.be rigorous and exact; and that
the points of disagreement should be not less definitely traced. Among the more
important questions involved in the final comparison to be made are the two
following : first, whether or not the forms which prevail in the several branches of
the Ganowanian family are identical in whatever is ultimate or radical; and secondly,

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 145

if identical throughout all these nations, whether or not it was transmitted to each
with the blood, involving, consequently, the genealogical connection of the nations
themselves.

The following propositions develop all of the material characteristics of the
system of relationship of the nations represented in the Table. They are severally
true of each and every form in each and every nation, with the exceptions stated.

I. Consanguine! are not described by a combination of primary terms, but are
classified into categories under some one of the recognized relationships, each of
which is expressed by a particular term.

II. The several collateral lines, in their several branches, are ultimately merged
in the lineal line.

III. In familiar intercourse and in formal salutation, consanguinei, near and
remote, address each other by the term of relationship.

IV. From Ego a male to the children of his brother a male, and from Ego a
female to the children of her sister a female, the relationship of these children to
Ego approaches in the degree of its nearness ; but from Ego a male, to the children
of a female, and from Ego a female to the children of a male, it recedes. There are
some exceptions to these rules.

V. Ascending one degree above Ego in the lineal line, and crossing over to the
first members of the four branches of the second collateral line, it follows again
that from male line to male line, and from female to female, the relationship
to Ego approaches in the degree of its nearness, while from male line to female
line, and from female to male, it recedes, and that irrespective of the sex of Ego.
To these rules there are a few exceptions. The father's sister, in some cases, is a
mother instead of an aunt, and the mother's brother, in two instances, is an elder
brother instead of an uncle.

VI. There are original terms for grandfather and grandmother, father and
mother, son and daughter, and grandson and granddaughter in all of the languages
represented in the Table without an exception. In a few instances some of these
terms are in common gender. These, with those of brother and sister, are called
the primary relationships.

VII. All of my ancestors above grandfather and grandmother, are my grand-
fathers and grandmothers, without further distinction, except that in some of the
nations they are discriminated as second, third, and more remote grandfathers and
grandmothers. In common usage, however, the former are the recognized
relationships. The Pawnee form is an exception.

VIII. All the brothers and sisters of my grandfather and of my grandmother,
and all the brothers and sisters of my several ancestors above the latter, are, without
distinction, my grandfathers and grandmothers, with the occasional modifications
stated in the. seventh proposition.

IX. All my descendants below grandson and granddaughter, are, without
distinction, my grandsons and granddaughters, with the occasional modifications
named in the seventh proposition. The Pawnee form is also an exception.

X. There is one term for elder brother and another for younger brother, one
term for elder sister and another for younger sister ; and no term for brother or

19 December, 1869.

146 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY

sister in the abstract, except in the plural number. These terms are not applied
to the oldest and youngest specifically, but to each and all who are older than the
brother or sister speaking. In several languages there is a double set of terms,
one of which is used by males, and the other by females. In some cases the term
for elder and younger sister is common. There are also a few instances in which
additional terms for brother and sister in the abstract are found.

XI. All the children of my several own brothers, and of my several collateral
brothers, myself a male, are my sons and daughters, and all the children of the latter
are my grandsons and granddaughters. There are exceptions to the first branch
of this proposition. In a few nations they are step-sons and step-daughters.

XII. All the children of my several own sisters, and of my several collateral
sisters, myself a male, are my nephews and nieces, and all the children of the latter
are my grandsons and granddaughters. The exceptions are few in number.

XIII. All the children of my several own brothers, and of my several collateral
brothers, myself a female, are my nephews and nieces. There are many exceptions.
The children of these nephews and nieces are my grandsons and granddaughters.

XIV. All the children of my several own sisters, and of my several collateral
sisters, myself a female, are my sons and daughters. The exceptions are few, and
chiefly confined to those cases where the relationship is that of step-son and step-
daughter. The children of these sons and daughters are my grandsons and grand-
daughters.

XV. All the brothers of my own father, and all the brothers of such other persons
as stand to me in the relation of a father, are my fathers ; and all the sisters of my
own mother, and of such other persons as stand to me in the relation of a mother,
are severally my mothers, the same as by own mother. In several nations they
are step-fathers and step-mothers ; in some others they are little fathers and little
mothers.

XVI. All the brothers of my own mother, and all the brothers of such other
persons as stand to me in the relation of a mother, are severally my uncles ; and
all the sisters of my own father, and all the sisters of such other persons as stand
to me in the relation of a father, are severally my aunts. In a few nations the
relationship of aunt is not recognized, in which cases my father's sisters are my
mothers. In two nations that of uncle is unknown, in which cases my mother's
brothers are my elder brothers.

-ff~ XVII. All the children of several brothers are brothers and sisters to each other;
and they use, in each case, the respective terms for elder and younger brother, and
for elder and younger sister, which they do in the case of own brothers and sisters.
Exceptions exist in the limited number of nations in which step-father and step-
son are used. Among them the relationship is that of step-brother and step-sister.
XVIII. All the sons of the sons of several brothers are brothers to each other,
elder or younger ; all the sons of the latter are brothers again, and the same rela-
tionship of males in the male line continues downward indefinitely, so long as each
of these persons stands at the same degree of remove from the original brother.
But when one is further advanced, by a single degree, than the other, the rule
which turns the collateral line into the lineal at once applies : thus, the son of

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 147

either of these my collateral, elder/tor younger, brothers, myself being a male, be-
comes my son, and the son of the latter is my grandson.

XIX. All the children of several sisters are brothers and sisters to each other;
and the terms of relationship are applied as in the last case. The exceptions also
are the same.

XX. All the daughters of the daughters of several sisters are sisters to each
other, elder or younger, and the daughters of the latter are sisters again ; and the
relationship of females in the female line continues to be that of sisters, elder or
younger, at equal removes, downward indefinitely, with the same result as in the
former case, where one is further removed than the other from the original sisters.

XXI. All the children of several brothers on the one hand, and of the several
sisters of these brothers on the other, are cousins to each other among some of the
nations. Among other nations the males of the former class are uncles to the
males and females of the latter class ; and the males and -females of the latter are
nephews and nieces to those of the former; whilst to still others the females of
the former class are mothers to the males and females of the latter class, and the
males and females of the latter are sons and daughters to the females of the former.
To illustrate : my father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew
and niece, each of them calling me (their mother's brother's son) uncle ; but with
Ego a female, the same persons are my son and daughter, each of them calling me
mother. Among other nations these relationships are still different, and they can
be easier expressed by an illustration than by a rule ; namely, my father's sister's
son, Ego a male, is my father, and he calls me his son ; my father's sister's daugh-
ter is my aunt, and she calls me her nephew ; but with Ego a female, my father's
sister's son is my father, and calls me his daughter ; whilst my father's sister's
daughter is my grandmother, and calls me her granddaughter. Among still other
nations the children of brothers on the one hand, and of sisters on the other, are
brothers and sisters to each other. Upon this relationship occurs the most im-
portant, as well as the principal, deviation from uniformity.

XXII. All the children of several cousins are cousins again; the children of the
latter are also cousins ; and this relationship continues downward indefinitely.
Where the relationship of the children of a brother and sister is that of uncle and
nephew, the son of this uncle is an uncle again ; and this relationship continues
downwards in the male line indefinitely. Where, in the same case, it is that of
son and father, the son and grandson of this father are each my father, and this
relationship continues downward in the male line indefinitely. In all other cases
the collateral line is brought into the lineal.

XXIII. As a general result the descendants of brothers and sisters, or of an
original pair, can never pass, in theory, beyond the degrees of cousin and grand-
child, these being the most remote collateral and descendant relationships ; nor in
the ascending series beyond the degree of grandfather. Hence the bond of con-
sanguinity which can never, in fact, be broken by lapse of time or distance in
degree, is not permitted, by the fundamental provisions of the Ganowanian system,
to be broken in principle.

XXIV. All the wives of my several nephews and collateral sons are my daugh-

148 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

ters-in-law ; and all the husbands of my several nieces and collateral daughters are
my sons-in-law ; and I apply to them the same terms respectively which I use to
designate the husbands and wives of my own sons and daughters. There are some
exceptions to this proposition.

XXV. All the wives of my several collateral brothers and of my several male
cousins are my sisters-in-law ; and all the husbands of my several collateral sisters
and of my several female cousins are my brothers-in-law, without regard to the
degree of nearness. There are some exceptions.

XXVI. In all of the preceding relationships the correlative terms are strictly
applied ; thus, the one I call my son calls me father ; the one I call grandson calls
me grandfather : the one I call nephew calls me uncle ; the one I call brother-in-
law calls me the same ; the one I call father-in-law calls me son-in-law ; and so on
throughout the entire series, whether of affinity or of consanguinity.

When the foregoing propositions have been verified by passing through one of
the schedules in the Table, the system itself will become perfectly familiar, and
any deviations from the standard form in other schedules will at once be recognized
wherever they occur. A number of discrepancies will also be discovered, falling
below the character of permanent deviations; but they relate to subordinate details,
and do not disturb the general plan of consanguinity. Some of them may represent
a misapprehension of the question to be answered ; others an ignorance of the true
relationship, and still others a discrepancy in some part of the form of the particular
nation. In the details of a system so complicated and elaborate, drawn out from
uncultivated languages, and with a nomenclature so opulent, a large amount of
variation would not only be unavoidable, but an exemption from it would excite
surprise. A sufficient number of features, which may be called indicative of the
typical form, are so constant as to leave no doubt of the identity of the system as
it now prevails in the several branches of the family, with the exception of the
Eskimo. The fundamental conceptions upon which the system rests are simple
and clearly defined, and work out their results with logical accuracy.

The deviations from uniformity may be recapitulated as follows : —

I. Relationship of Uncle and Aunt. In the Crow and Minnitaree, and in one or
more of the Athapascan nations, these relationships are wanting. These nations
form an exception, in this respect, to the entire Ganowanian family. In a number
of other nations the relationship of aunt is unknown, and that of mother visually
takes its place.

II. Relationships of Nephew and Niece. In four or five dialects terms for
nephew and niece are wanting. These relationships limited, with Ego a male, to
the children of his sister, and with Ego a female, usually to the children of her
brother, is one of the most striking of the indicative features of the system. But
a failure of five out of seventy-five Indian nations upon these relationships is not
sufficient to require an explanation, even if it could be made.

III. Double Set of Terms. The use of one set of terms by the males, and another
set by the females in some nations for certain relationships ; also the use of step-
father, step-brother, and step-son, among other nations in the place of the full
terms ; and finally the use, in still other nations, of little father and little mother

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 149

for the brother of a father and the sister of a mother, must be regarded in the
light of modifications of the primitive form by particular usage rather than as
deviations from uniformity.

IV. Relationships of the Children of a Brother and Sister. It is evident that the
relationship of a cousin was unknown in the original system, and that it was an
aftergrowth, or further development, designed to remove a blemish. The four
different forms in which the relationships of the children of a brother and sister
appear, render it difficult to determine which was the primitive form, only that
cousin was not. The principles of the system required that they should stand in a
more remote relationship than that of brother and sister ; and thus we are led to
the inference that it was either that of uncle and nephew, or that of son and
father.

V. Marriage Relationships. There are a number of diversities in these relation-
ships, but a sufficient number are constant to establish the unity of the system from
this source of evidence alone.

VI. Mergence of Collateral Lines. In a few of the nations some branches of the
collateral lines are more abruptly merged in the lineal than the common form
allows ; but of this peculiarity no explanation can be given.

We are now the better prepared to take up the system of relationship of the
Ganowanian family in its several branches ; and by an examination of its structure
and details, to verify the preceding propositions, and also to trace this form of the
classificatory system to its limits. In no other manner can its remarkable charac-
ter, as a domestic institution, be understood or appreciated, or its value estimated
for ethnological purposes.

150 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

CHAPTER II.

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY— CONTINUED.

Position of the Iroquois— Area of their Occupation— Their Home Country— Epoch of the Establishment of the
League— Hodenosaunee, their Proper Name— Other Nations of the same Lineage — the Hurons or Wyandotes —
Neutral Nation— Eries— Susquehannocks — Nottoways— I. Iroquois — Their System of Relationship — Seneca Form
adopted as typical ; also as typical of the System of the Ganowanian Family— Lineal Line — First Collateral
Line— Diagrams— Second Collateral Line — Diagrams — Indicative Relationships— Marriage Relationships — Third
and Fourth Collateral Lines— Diagrams— Methods of Verifying same. — Other Marriage Relationships — Necessary
Knowledge of Numerical Degrees — Consanguine! not allowed to Intermarry— Systems of Remaining Iroquois
Nations— Identical with the Seneca— One Deviation from Uniformity— II. Hurons, or Wyandotes— Their System
identical with the Seneca— Common Origin of the System— Coeval with their Existence as one People.

Dakotan Nations.

I. Hodenosaunian Nations. 1. Iroquois. 2. Hurons.

Among the Indian nations found in possession t)f the North American continent,
north of New Mexico, the Iroquois deservedly hold the highest rank. In energy
and intelligence, and the degree of development of their civil institutions they are
far in advance of the Northern Indian nations. At the period of their discovery
(1609), or within fifty years of that event, they reached their culminating point.
It found them in acknowledged supremacy from the Hudson on the east, to the
Wabash on the west, and from the St. Lawrence, and lakes Ontario and Erie on
the north, to the Tennessee and the Upper Potomac on the south. After the
overthrow of the Hurons and Neutral Nation in the peninsula between lakes Huron,
Erie, and Ontario, their dominion was extended northward to the Otawa1 River and
Lake Nipessing. Within the boundaries named there were areas of several thou-
sand square miles which were unbroken solitudes, except as they were occasionally
traversed by war parties, or visited for hunting and fishing. Other portions of the
same area were occupied by Indian nations recognizing their supremacy. The pre-
sent State of New York was the home country of the Iroquois, first to the Genesee,
and afterwards to Lake Erie. Their presence, as an intrusive population, so near
the centre of the Algonkin area, sufficiently attests their superiority over the
Algonkin nations. It also serves to explain the otherwise eccentric spread of the
latter along the Atlantic coast to the southern limits of North Carolina, implying
that the Iroquois area was originally Algonkin. The Iroquois were, as there are
reasons for believing, an early offshoot, and one of the advanced bands of the

1 Pronounced O-ta'-wa

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 151

great Dakota stock, who first made their way eastward to the valley of the St.
Lawrence, near Montreal, where they were once established, and afterwards into
the lake region of Central New York, where they were found at the epoch of their
discovery.

The prominent position of the Iroquois among the Northern nations was acquired
subsequently to the establishment of the league under which they were consolidated
into one political family. That tendency to disintegration, from the secession of
successive bands which has ever been the chief element of weakness in Indian
society, was counteracted by the federative principle, retaining, as it did, the natural
increase of their population to the largely increased development of their intelli-
gence, and to the great augmentation of their military strength. Such a league
was rendered possible by a limited agricultural cultivation through which their
means of subsistence had become permanently enlarged. Their superiority over
their cotemporaries in the art of government is demonstrated by the structure and
principles of the league itself, which for originality and simplicity of plan, for effi-
ciency in organizing the power of the people, and for adaptation to military enter-
prises is worthy of commendation.1 Since the commencement of European inter-
course they have passed through a novel and severe experience, in the progress of
which they have produced a greater number of distinguished men than any other
Northern nation.

As near as can now be ascertained the league had been established about one
hundred and fifty years, when Champlain, in 1609, first encountered the Mohawks
within their own territories on the west shore of Lake George. This would place
the epoch of its formation about A. D. 1459, or one hundred and thirty-four years
subsequent to the foundation of the pueblo of Mexico, according to the current
representations.2 At the time the Iroquois nations confederated they were inde-
pendent bands, speaking dialects of the same stock-language, but each having its
own distinct previous history ; with the exception of the Oneidas, who separated
themselves from the Mohawks after their settlement in New York, and the Cayugas
who, in like manner, separated themselves from the Onondagas. According to their
traditions, which are confirmed to some extent by other evidence, they had resided
in this area for a long period of time before the league was formed, and had at
times made war upon each other. The Tuscaroras, who were of kindred descent,
were admitted into the Confederacy about the year 1715, upon their expulsion from
North Carolina.

There were but five other nations of the same immediate lineage of whom we
have any knowledge. First among these, in numbers and importance, were the
Hurons, the ancestors of the present Wyandotes, who occupied the shores of the
Georgian Bay and ranged southward toward Lake Erie. Their principal vil-
lages were along the Georgian Bay and around Lake Simcoe. Although divided

1 In another work, " The League of the Iroquois," I have presented and discussed the structure
and principles of their civil and domestic institutions.

8 " The foundation of Mexico happened in the year 2 Calli, corresponding with the year 1325 of
the vulgar era."— Clavigero's Hist, of Mexico, I, 162. (Cullen's Trans. 181 1.)

152 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

into several bands they spoke a common dialect. With these near kinsmen the
Iroquois waged a savage and unrelenting warfare, continued with slight intermis-
sions from the commencement of European intercourse down to 1650, when they
captured and destroyed their principal villages, and forced the remnant into exile.
A portion of them afterwards established themselves near Quebec, where their
descendants still remain. But much the largest portion, after several changes,
settled near the Sandusky, in Ohio, where they were known under their Iroquois
name of Wyandotes ;l and from thence were finally removed, about thirty years
ago, to Kansas, where their descendants now reside.2

Next in importance was the Neutral Nation, who were established upon both
banks of the Niagara River, and spread from thence westward along the north shore
of Lake Erie. They were called by the Iroquois the Wild-cat nation (Je-gol -sa-sa),
which is the same name applied by Charleroix to the Eries.3 It seems probable
that the two were bands of the same nation, not as yet entirely distinct, although
known to the Iroquois under different names, the latter being called Oa-kwa-ga-o-no.
The Eries, here treated as a third nation, were seated upon the southeast shore of
Lake Erie, and ranged eastward towards the Genesee. Both the Eries and the
Neutral Nation spoke dialects so near the Seneca that the three could understand
each other's speech. With the acknowledged political astuteness of the Iroquois
it seems remarkable that these nations, together with the Hurons, were not incor-
porated together in a common confederacy, which would have saved as well as
greatly augmented their strength. They were fully sensible of its importance ; and
we have the testimony of the Senecas that the Iroquois offered both to the Eries
and to the Neutrals the alternative of admission into the League or of extermina-
tion before the final conflict. After the overthrow of the Hurons they turned next
upon the Neutrals and immediately afterwards upon the Eries, both of whom were
defeated and expelled, between 1650 and 1655. A portion of the Eries, after their
defeat, voluntarily surrended to the Senecas, and were incorporated with them.

On the south were the Susquehannocks, who occupied the lower part of the
Susquehanna River, in Southern Pennsylvania and Northern Maryland. The Iro-
quois were as relentless and uncompromising towards the Susquehannocks, as they
had been towards their other kinsmen. In 1673, a delegation of Iroquois chiefs
met Count Frontenac, Governor of Canada, near Kingston, and amongst other things
asked him " to assist them against the Andastiguez (Andastes or Susquehannocks),

1 Wane-dote' in Seneca-Iroquois.

* Since the completion of this work, Francis Parkman, Esq., has given to the public "The Jesuits
in North America," which contains the most complete account of the Hurons ever published. It is a
work of rare excellence, founded upon accurate and comprehensive researches, and written in the most
attractive style. Whilst the ferocious characteristics of the Iroquois, as displayed in many a scene
of carnage, are delineated with graphic power,, and are not exaggerated, there is another side of the
picture which should not be overlooked. The Iroquois displayed many virtues in their relations
with each other, both in the family and in political society, which tend to relieve the otherwise harsh
judgment upon their national character and name. Mr. Parkman derives the Wyandotes chiefly
from the Tionnontates, the southernmost band of the Hurons. (Jesuits in North America, Intro, xliii.

* Hist, of New France, II, 162.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 153

the sole enemies remaining on their hands."1 About the year 1676, the Susque-
hannocks made their submission to the Senecas.2

Last were the Nottoways of Virginia, an inconsiderable band, who, with several
Algonkin nations, occupied a part of the area between the Potomac and Iloanoke
Rivers. They are mentioned in treaties between the Colonial Governors of Vir-
ginia and the Iroquois as late as 1721.3 The foregoing are the only branches of
the Iroquois stock of which any knowledge has been preserved. The last three
named are now extinct, or rather have been dispersed and incorporated with other
nations. Above Montreal on the St. Lawrence, there is a small band called the " Two
Mountain Iroquois," who were colonists chiefly from the Mohawks and Oneidas.

In addition to what has been stated of the probable immediate blood connection
of the Eries and Neutral nation with each other and with the Senecas, there is
some evidence that the Ilurons and Senecas were subdivisions of one original nation.
It is contained in their systems of relationship, both of which agree with each
other in the only particular in which the Seneca form differs from that of the other
Iroquois nations, except the Tuscarora ; and, therefore, tends to show that the
Seneca and Hurons were one nation after the Mohawks and Onondagas had become
distinct from the Senecas. If this be so, the original Iroquois stock before their
occupation of New York, and whilst they resided north of the St. Lawrence and
the Lakes, consisted of but four subdivisions, the Hurons or Senecas, the Tuscaro-
ras, the Onondagas, and the Mohawks ; or, in short, Senecas and Mohawks.

At the formation of the league the Iroquois called themselves Ho-de-no-saii-nee,
" The People of the Long House," which term, notwithstanding its inconvenient
length, will furnish a proper name for this branch of the Ganowanian family.4
They symbolized their political structure by the figure of a " Long House," and
were always partial to this name, which was, in fact, their only designation for
themselves as one people.5 They were Village Indians to a very considerable
extent, although not exclusively such. In this respect they were in advance of
most of the northern Indian nations. In the drama of colonization the influence of
this Indian confederacy was conspicuously felt, and cast upon the side of the
English colonists. It is made clear by the retrospect that France must ascribe, in
no small degree, to the Iroquois, the overthrow of her great plans of empire in
North America.

1 Journal of Frontenac's Voyage to Lake Ontario, Col. His., N. Y., ix, 110.

a Ib., ix. 227, Note 2. » Ib , v. 673.

4 The primitive bark house of the Iroquois was usually from forty to sixty feet in length, by about
fifteen to eighteen in width, comparted at equal distances, but with a common hall through the
centre, and with a door at each end of the hall, which were the only entrances. There were from
six to ten fire pits in each house, located in the centre of the hall, and so as to give a fire to each
compartment. There were two families to each fire, one upon each side of the hall. A house with
ten fires would thus accommodate twenty families. In ancient times these houses were clustered
together and surrounded with a stockade. The size of the village was estimated by the number of
houses, (eighty to one hundred and fifty forming the largest of their villages) ; and also by the num-
ber of fires. The idea revealed in this communal house of the Iroquois runs through all the architec-
ture of the Indian family.

s League of the Iroquois, p. 51.
20 December, 18CO.

154 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

The Iroquois language, which is the proper representative of their intellectual
life, compares favorably with that of any other in the circle of the family, with
respect to the fulness of its vocables, and to the regularity of its grammatical
forms. In the table will be found favorable specimens of its vocables, of its inflec-
tions for gender, and of the flexibility of its pronouns.

I. Iroquois. 1. Mohawks. 2. Oneidas. 3. Onondagas. 4. Cayugas. 5.
Senecas. 6. Tuscaroras. 7. Two Mountain Iroquois.

From the prominent position of the Iroquois in the Ganowanian family their
system of consanguinity and affinity possesses a proportionate value. It is so fully
developed in all of its parts that it may be taken as typical of the system of this
family. The nomenclature of relationships is opulent, the classification of kindred
systematic, and the plan itself, although complicated, and apparently arbitrary and
artificial, is yet simple, and in logical accordance with the principles of discrimina-
tion upon which it is founded. As the standard form, it is advisable to examine
it minutely. When traced out step by step, through its entire range, a perfect
knowledge of the system will be obtained, as well as of the fundamental conceptions
upon which it rests, which will render an examination of the remaining forms
comparatively easy.

For convenience of reference a table of the Seneca-Iroquois and the Yankton-
Dakota forms is appended to this chapter. It contains the lineal and first, second,
third, and fourth collateral lines, in their several branches, in which are given the
terms of relationship applied to the several persons described in the questions, with
a translation of each term into equivalent English. This method of arrangement
for presenting the system of a single nation is preferable to the one necessarily
used in the comparative Table, since it is brought out in a continuous form and
separate and apart from other forms. With the aid of this special table, and of
the diagrams which follow, all the facilities are afforded that can be necessary for
the illustration and explanation of the system. As the Seneca system is developed
as to one of the indicative relationships, beyond that of the remaining Iroquois
nations, with the exception of the Tuscarora, theirs will be adopted as the standard
form of the Iroquois. The terms of relationship used in the illustrations, as well
as in the diagrams, are also in the Seneca dialect.1

There are terms for grandfather and grandmother, Hoc'-sote and Oc'-sote; for
father and mother, Hd'~nih and No-yeli' ; for son and daughter Ha-ali'-wuk and
Kn-aJi'^wulc ; and for grandson and daughter Hcv-yd'da and Ka-yii'-dal ; and no
terms for ancestors or descendants beyond those named. All above, without dis-
tinction, are grandfathers or grandmothers ; and all below are grandsons or grand-
daughters. When it is necessary to be more specific the person is described.

The relationships of brother and sister are conceived in the twofold form of
elder and younger, for each of which there are special terms, namely : Ha'-je, my
elder brother; Ah'-je, my elder.^ sister ; Ha'-ga my younger brother; Ka'-ga, my
younger sister. These terms are applied, respectively, to each and all of the
brothers and sisters who are older or younger than the person who speaks. There

1 For notation see Fly Leaf to table appended to part II.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 155

is no term either for brother or sister in the abstract ; but there is a compound
term in the plural number, and in common gender, Da-ya' '-gwa-dari '-no-da for
brothers and sisters in general.

In the diagrams (Plates IV and V) the lineal and first collateral line, male and
female, are represented ; in the first with Ego a male, and, in the second, with Ego a
female. The relationships of the same persons in certain clearly defined cases, are
entirely different to Ego a female, from what they are to Ego a male. It is, there-
fore, imperative that the sex of Ego be noted in every case. To exhibit fully these
discriminations double diagrams are used, and in the table double questions, the
necessity for which will be seen by comparing the diagrams, and also by comparing
the questions and answers in the table. In these diagrams the connecting lines
follow the chain of descent from parent to child, and the figures which stand in the
same horizontal or transverse line show, that the several persons represented are
equally removed in degree from the common ancestor. The relationship expressed
in each figure is that which the person sustains to Ego and no other. A single person
is represented by each figure, with the exception of the lowest, upon which the
several branches of the collateral line converge. This figure represents as many
persons, all of whom are the grandsons and granddaughters of Ego, as there are
lines terminating in it. In reading the diagrams we ascend by the chain of con-
sanguinity from Ego first to the common ancestor, and then down to the person
whose relationship is sought ; thus, my father's son who is my brother, elder or
younger, is upon the right of Ego; and my father's daughter, who is my sister, elder
or younger, is upon the left of Ego; the three, as they are equally removed in degree,
being on the same horizontal line. Again the son and daughter of this brother
and of this sister, are placed one degree lower down in the diagram, and in the
same horizontal line with my own son, since they are equally removed from my
father who is their common grandfather. And lastly, if a son and daughter are
allowed to each of the persons last named, as well as to my own son, it would
require ten figures below these to represent them separately in their proper posi-
tions ; but inasmuch as they are all alike the grandsons and granddaughters of
Ego, they are represented by a single figure, as above explained ; and for the further
object of illustrating the mergence of both branches of the first collateral line in
the lineal line, which results from the classification of persons.

With these explanations made, it is now proposed to take up the several
collateral lines in detail, and to trace them throughout, in their several branches,
until they are finally brought into the lineal line.

In the first collateral line male with myself a male (Plate IV), I call my
brother's son and daughter my son and daughter, Ha-aJi'-wuk and Ka^ak' -ionic ; and
each of them calls me father, Ha'-nih. This is the first indicative feature of the
system. It places my brother's children in the same category with my own children.
Each of their sons and daughters I call severally my grandson and granddaughter,
IJa-yii'-da and Ka-ya'-da, and they call me grandfather, Hoc-sole. The relationships
here given are those actually recognized and applied, and none other are known.

Certain relationships are here called indicative. They are those which are
determinative of the character of the system ; and which, when ascertained, usually

156 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

control those that follow They are the decisive characteristics which, when they
agree in the systems of different nations, embrace so much that is material and
fundamental, both in the Turanian and Ganowanian forms, as to render the
remaining details subordinate.

In the female branch of this line, myself still a male, I call my sister's son and
daughter my nephew and niece, Ha-ya' -wan-da and Ka-ya '-wan-da ; each of them
calling me uncle, Hoc-no' -sell. This is a second indicative feature. It restricts the
relationships of nephew and niece to the children of a man's sisters, to the exclu-
sion of the children of his brothers. The son and daughter of this nephew and of
this niece are my grandson and granddaughter as before ; each of them addressing
me by the correlative term. It will be noticed that, in the male branch, on cross-
ing from Ego a male to his brother a male, the relationships of the children of the
latter approach in the degree of their nearness to Ego ; while, in the female branch,
on crossing from Ego a male to his sister a female, the relationships of her children
to Ego recede in the degree of their nearness, as compared with the former case.

In the same line, male branch, Ego being supposed a female (Plate V), I call
my brother's son and daughter my nephew and niece, Ha-soh'-neli and Ka-soh'-neh ;
each of them calling me aunt, Ah-ga'-huc. It will be observed that the terms for
nephew and niece which are used by females are different from those used by males.
The son and daughter of this nephew and niece are my grandson and granddaughter,
Ha-ya! -da and Ka-ya'-da, and each of them calls me grandmother, Oc'-sote.

Supposing myself still a female, I call my sister's son and daughter my son
and daughter, Ha-ali'-wuk, and Ka-afi'-wuk ; each of them calling me mother, No-ych' .
Having crossed in the male branch from Ego a female to her brother a male, the
relationships of the children of the latter to Ego recede ; whilst, in the female
branch, having crossed from Ego a female to her sister a female the relationships
of the children of the latter approach in the degree of their nearness to Ego, also as
before. The children of this son and daughter are my grandchildren ; each of them
addressing me by the correlative term.

Irrespective of the sex of Ego, the wife of each of these collateral sons, and of
each of these nephews is my daughter-in-law, L'a'-sa ; and the husband of each of
these collateral daughters, and of each of these nieces is my son-in-law, Oc-na'-hose ;
and I stand to each of them in the correlative relationship. This disposes of the
first collateral line, including the relationships both of consanguinity and affinity.

Diagram, Plate VI, represents the lineal and second collateral line, male and
female, on the father's side, with Ego a male ; and Diagram, Plate VII, represents
the same lines and branches on the mother's side, with Ego also a male. It would
require two other diagrams of the same kind to represent the relationships of the
same persons to Ego a female ; but these will be sufficient for the purposes of illus-
tration. They are constructed on the same principles as those previously explained.

In the male branch of this line, on the father's side, Plate VI, with myself a
male, my father's brother I call my father Hci'-nih ; and he calls me his son. Here
we find a third indicative feature of the system. All of several brothers arc placed
in the relation of a father to the children of each other. My father's brother's
son is my elder or younger brother; if older than myself I call him my elder

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 157

i

brother, ITd'-je, and he calls me his younger brother, Ila'-ya ; if younger, these
terms are reversed. My father's brother's daughter is my elder or younger sister ;
if older than myself, I call her my elder sister, Ah'-je, and she calls me her younger
brother, Ha'-ga ; but if younger I call her my younger sister, Ka'-ga, and she calls
me her elder brother. This constitutes a fourth indicative feature. It creates the
relationships of brother and sister amongst the children of several brothers. To
distinguish these from own brothers and sisters they will hereafter be called colla-
teral brothers and sisters. The son and daughter of this collateral brother are my
son and daughter, and I apply to them the same terms, Ha-ah'-wuk and Ka-ah'-wul;
I would to my own children. In turn they call me father. The children of the
latter are my grandchildren, each of them addressing me by the correlative term.
On the other hand, the son and daughter of this collateral sister are my nephew
and niece, Ha-ya' '-wan-da and Ka-y a' -wan-da, and call me uncle ; their children are
my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandfather. With myself a female,
the preceding relationships are the same until the children of these collateral
brothers and sisters are reached, when they are reversed. The son and daughter
of this brother are my nephew and niece, Ha-soli'-neh and Ka-soJt -neh, each of them
calling me aunt ; and their children are my grandchildren, each of them calling me
grandmother ; whilst the son and daughter of this sister are my son and daughter,
each of them calling me mother, and their children are my grandchildren each
of them addressing me by the correlative term. It thus appears that the principle
of classification in the first collateral line is carried into the second ; and it shows
that my father's brother's sons and daughters are admitted to all intents and pur-
poses into the same relationships as my own brothers and sisters, the same being
equally true of the children and descendants of each.

In the female branch of this line, with myself a male, my father's sister is my
aunt, Ah-ga'-huc, and she calls me her nephew. This is a fifth indicative feature
of the system. The relationship of aunt is restricted to the sisters of my father,
and, as will hereafter be seen, to the sisters of such other persons as stand to me
in the relation of a father, to the exclusion of the sisters of my mother. My
father's sister's son and daughter are each my cousin, Ah-gare'-se7i, each of them
calling me cousin; the son and daughter of my male cousin are my son and
daughter, each of them calling me father, and their children are my grandchildren,
each of them calling me grandfather : but the children of my female cousins are
my nephews and nieces, each of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my
grandchildren, each of them applying to me the proper correlative. With myself
a female, the relationships of the children of my male and female cousins are
reversed, whilst all the others in this branch of the line are the same. The
relationship of cousin docs not form an indicative feature of the system, although
its existence is remarkable. It would seem to be intended as a part of this plan
of consanguinity that the children of a brother and sister should stand to each
other in a more remote relationship than the children of brothers, on one hand, and
the children of their sisters on the other, but without prescribing the relationship
itself. As there are ruder forms, in many of the nations, than that of cousin and
cousin, it is to be inferred that the latter relationship did not exist in the primitive

158 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

system, but was developed subsequently by the more advanced nations to remove an
irregularity which amounted to a blemish. It was, however, pre-determined by the
elements of the system that, if ever invented, it would be restricted to the children
of a brother and sister. The admission of the children of my cousins into the same
relationships as the children of my own brothers and sisters seems to be entirely
arbitrary, and yet it is not a departure from the general principles of the system.

On the mother's side, in the same line, I being a male (Plate VII), my mother's
brother is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, and calls me his nephew. Herein is found a sixth
indicative feature. The relationship of uncle is restricted to the brothers of my
mother, to the exclusion of those of my father. It is also applied to the brothers of
such other persons, and no other, as stand to me in the relation of a mother. My
mother's brother's son and daughter are my cousins, Ah-gare1 -seJi, and call me the
same ; the son and daughter of my male cousin are my son and daughter, each of
them calling me father, and their children are my grandchildren. On the other
hand, the son and daughter of my female cousin are my nephew and niece, each
of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my grandchildren, each of them
addressing me by the correlative term. Supposing myself a female, the relation-
ships of the children of these cousins are reversed as in the previous cases, whilst,
in other respects, there is no change.

The relationship of uncle in Indian society is, in several particulars, more im-
portant than any other from the authority with which he is invested over his
nephews and nieces. He is, practically, rather more the head of his sister's family
than his sister's husband. It may be illustrated in several ways from present usages.
Amongst the Choctas, for example, if a boy is to be placed at school his uncle,
instead of his father, takes him to the mission and makes the arrangement. An
uncle, among the Winnebagoes, may require services of a nephew, or administer
correction, which his own father would neither ask nor attempt. In like manner
with the lowas and Otoes, an uncle may appropriate to his own use his nephew's
horse or his gun, or other personal property, without being questioned, which his
own father would have no recognized right to do. But over his nieces this same
authority is more significant, from his participation in their marriage contracts,
which, in many Indian nations, are founded upon a consideration in the nature of
presents. Not to enlarge upon this topic, the facts seem to reveal an idea familiar
as well on the Asiatic as the American Continent, and nearly as ancient as human
society, namely, the establishment of a brother in authority over his sister's chil-
dren.1 It finds its roots in the tribal organization, and that form of it which limits
descent to the female line, under which the children of a man's sister are of the
same tribe with himself.

In the fourth and last branch of this line, myself a male, my mother's sister I
call my mother, Noyeh' ', and she calls me her son. This constitutes a seventh
indicative feature of the system. All of several sisters are placed in the relation
of a mother to the children of each other. My mother's sister's son and daughter

1 Amongst the Zulus or Kafirs of South Africa an uncle occupies a similar position of authority.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 159

are respectively my elder or younger brother, or elder or younger sister as they are
older or younger than myself: and we apply to eacli other the same terms we
would use to designate own brothers and sisters. This is an eighth indicative
feature. It establishes the relationships of brother and sister amongst the children
of sisters. The son and daughter of this collateral brother are my son and daugh-
ter, Ha-ah'-wuk and Ka-ah'-wuk, each of them calling me father; and their children
are my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandfather. On the other hand,
the children of this collateral sister are my nephews and nieces, Ha-ya' -wan-da and
Ka-ya'-^van-da, each of them calling me uncle ; and their children are my grand-
children, each of them applying to me the proper correlative. With myself a
female, the relationships of the children of this collateral brother and sister are
reversed, the others remaining the same.

It will be observed that the female branch of this line, on the mother's side
through which we have just passed, is an exact counterpart of the male branch on
the father's side, the only difference being in the first relationship in each, one
commencing with a father to Ego, and the other with a mother. The same is also
true of the two remaining branches of this line, as to each other, and with the
same single difference, one of them commencing with an uncle and the other with
an aunt.

To exhibit the relationships of the same persons on the last two diagrams to Ego
a female, it would only be necessary to substitute nephew and niece in the place
of son and daughter, wherever they occur, and son and daughter in the place of
nephew and niece. All other relationships would remain as they now are. These
diagrams are easily read by observing the figures upon the right and left of the
father of Ego. The first, for example, in Plate VI, represents my father's father's
son, who is my father's brother, and therefore my father; and the second my
father's father's daughter, who is my father's sister, and therefore my aunt. The
other figures, except those in the lineal line, represent their descendants, proceed-
ing from parent to child.

If we ascend one degree above Ego in the lineal line, and then cross over in turn
to the first figure on the right and on the left in the same horizontal line in each
diagram, the rules stated as to the first collateral line will also be found to hold
true in the second. From my father to my father's brother, or from male line to
male line, and from my mother to my mother's sister, or from female line to female
line, the relationships of their children, as well as their own relationships, approach
in their comparative nearness to Ego ; but from my father to my father's sister, or
from male line to female line, and from my mother to my mother's brother, or from
female to male, the relationships of the children of this uncle and aunt, as well as
their own, recede in the degree of their nearness to Ego. The object of this minute
analysis of the system is to show that it is founded upon clearly established prin- v
ciples of classification which are carried out harmoniously to their logical results.
It is the constantly operative force of these ideas which gives to the system its
vitality.

We have also seen that the first collateral line in its two branches, and the
second in its four branches, arc finally brought into and merged in the lineal line ;

1GO SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

and the same will hereafter be found to be the case with each of the remaining
collateral lines as far as the fact of consanguinity can be traced. This constitutes
a ninth indicative feature of the system. It prevents consanguinei, near and
remote, from falling without the relationship of grandfather in the ascending series,
that of grandson in the descending, and that of nephew and cousin in the greatest
divergence of the collateral lines from the lineal line.

Each of the wives of these several collateral brothers, and of these several male
cousins, is my sister-in-law, Ah-ge^ah'-ne-ah, each of them calling me brother-in-law,
Ha-ya'-o. In like manner, each of the husbands of these several collateral sisters,
and of these several female cousins, is my brother-in-law, Ah-ge-ah'-ne^o, each of
them calling me brother-in-law, Ha-ya'-o, if I am a male, and Ka-ya'-o, if a female.
There are several different relationships which are classified together in our system
under the descriptive phrases brother-in-law and sister-in-law, which are discrimi-
nated from each other in the Indian system, and distinguished by independent
terms.

The foregoing explanations dispose of the second collateral line in its four branches,
whether Ego be considered male or female, together with the marriage relationships.
It provides a place and a term for each and every person connected with either of
these branches, and holds them all within the degree of cousin and grandchild.
Not one is allowed to pass beyond the recognition of this all-embracing system of
relationship.

Among ourselves our nearest kindred, as well as the greater portion of those
whose connection is recognized under our system, are found in the lineal and first
and second collateral lines. After they are properly classified the system would
answer the ordinary requirements of domestic life. Those beyond, as remote col-
laterals, might have been placed under general terms outside of the near degrees ;
but the theory of the Indian system is averse to the rejection of collaterals however
remote, and insists upon the unqualified, recognition of the bond of consanguinity.
Kindred are bound together in the family relationships in virtue of their descent
from common ancestors ; so that the differences in the degrees of nearness, which
are accidental, are subordinated to the blood-connection, which is indissoluble.
Wherever, then, the chain of consanguinity can be traced, and the connection of
persons ascertained, the system at once includes them in its comprehensive grasp.
Such at least is the system as it now appears considered in the light of existing
institutions. There may have been a state of society, as will be seen in the sequel,
when the relationships we have been considering were true to the nature of descents
as they actually existed when the system, in its present form, came into use. These
results, as they now exist, were apparently effected by adopting the principle of
classification established in the first and second collateral lines and extending it to
the third, fourth, and even others more remote, theoretically, without limit. This
established another principle equally fundamental in the system, which is the follow-
ing : The children of own brothers, as has been shown, are brothers and sisters to
each other, elder or younger, and^o are the children of own sisters. In like man-
ner the children of these collateral brothers are also brothers and sisters to each
other, and so are the children of these collateral sisters. Advancing downwards

OFTHEHUMANFAMILY. 161

another degree the children of such persons as were thus made brothers, are in like
manner, brothers and sisters to each other, and the same is true of such of them as
were thus made sisters. This relationship of brother and sister amongst the male
descendants of brothers, and the female descendants of sisters, continues downward
theoretically ad infinitum at the same degree of remove from the common ancestor.
But with respect to the children of a brother and sister the relationship is more
remote and not uniform. Amongst the Senecas, whose system is now under con-
sideration, they are cousins to each other ; the children of these cousins are cousins
again ; the children of the latter are cousins also ; and this relationship continues
downward theoretically ad infinitum. And, lastly, whenever the relationship of
brother and brother, or of sister and sister at any one of these degrees is found, it
determines at once the relationships of the descendants of each one of them to the
other; thus, the son of either one of these, my collateral brothers, is my son if I
am a male, and my nephew if I am a female ; and the son of either one of these my
collateral sisters is my nephew if I am a male, and my son if I am a female ; and
the children of these sons and nephews are my grandchildren. These several
relationships do not exist simply in theory, but they are practical, and universally
recognized amongst the Iroquois.

Diagram, Plate VIII, represents the lineal, and the second, third, and fourth
collateral lines, male and female, on the father's side ; and Diagram, Plate IX,
represents the lineal and same collateral lines on the mother's side, with Ego in
both cases a male. Each line in these diagrams proceeds from the parent to one
only of his or her children, for greater simplicity, as well as from actual necessity
in its construction. The first collateral line is omitted, and the second, which is
presented in full in Plates VI and VII, is retained for comparison with the third
and fourth. It requires no further explanation, except such as it may receive
incidentally.

In the third collateral line male on the father's side, with myself a male (Plate
VIII) my father's father's brother is my grandfather, Hoc'-sofe, and calls me his grand-
son. This is a tenth indicative feature of the system, and the last of those which
are treated as Such. It places the several brothers of my grandfather in the rela-
tion of grandfathers, and thus prevents collateral ascendants from falling out of this
relationship. In other words, the principle by which the collateral lines are merged
in the lineal works upwards as well as downwards. The son of this collateral
grandfather is my father Hd'-njk, and calls me his son. At first sight this rela-
tionship seems to be entirely arbitrary, but in reality it is a necessary consequence
of those previously established. This will be made clear by reversing the question,
and inquiring whether I am his son. This has already been shown in the male
branch of the second collateral line, where my father's brother's son's son is found
to be my son. The son of this collateral father is my brother, elder or younger.
Our grandfathers are own brothers, and our fathers are collateral brothers, either
of which determines our relationship to be that of brothers. Again the son of this
collateral brother is my son, and calls me father, and the son of the latter is my
grandson, and calls me grandfather.

My father's father's sister is my grandmother, Oc'-sote, her daughter is my aunt,

21 January, 1370.

162 SYSTEMS OF C OX S A X G U INIT Y AND AFFINITY

Ali-ga-'huc, her daughter is my cousin, AJi-gdre' -seh, her daughter is my niece,
Ka-ya -wan-da, and the daughter of the latter is iny granddaughter, Ka-yd'-da,
each of them addressing me by the proper correlative.

On the mother's side (Plate IX) my mother's mother's brother is my grandfather,
Hoc'-sote, his son is my uncle, Hoc-no'-seh, his son is my cousin, Ah-gare' -sell, his
son is my son, Ha-ali' -iculc, and the son of the latter is my grandson, Ha-yd'-da,
each of them addressing me by the proper correlative.

My mother's mother's sister is my grandmother, Oc'-sote, her daughter is my
mother, No-yeh' ', her daughter is my sister, elder or younger, Ah'-je or Ka'-ga, the
daughter of this sister is my niece, Ka-ya' -wan-da, and her daughter is my grand-
daughter, Ka-yd'-da, each of them addressing me by the proper correlative.

In the fourth collateral line male on the lather's side, my father's father's father's
brother is my grandfather, Hoc'-sote, his son is my grandfather also, his son is my
father, his son is my brother, elder or younger ; his son is my son, and the son of
the latter is my grandson ; each of them, as before, applying to me the proper
correlative. With the exception of one additional ancestor, the three remaining
branches of this line agree with the corresponding branches of the third collateral
line, as will be seen by a reference to the diagram.

There are two methods of verifying every relationship upon these diagrams. The
first is by commencing in each with the highest transverse line of figures, in one
of which there are three children of a common father, and in the other three chil-
dren of a. common mother, who are, respectively, own brothers and sisters to each
other. In Plate VIII, two of them are males and one a female ; and in Plate IX two
of them are females and one a male. Thus in the former there are two own
brothers, with their descendants, one constituting the lineal, and the other the
fourth collateral line, male of Ego; and in the other there are two own sisters, with
their descendants, one constituting the lineal, and the other the fourth collateral
line, female ; those in the same horizontal line of figures being at equal removes from
the common ancestor. There are, also, in both diagrams, a brother and sister and
their descendants in corresponding positions. All of the elements are, therefore,
contained in these diagrams for testing their own correctness, and also for resolving
any question of consanguinity. In doing either it is only necessary to apply the
rules before given, namely : that the children of brothers are themselves brothers
and sisters to each other, that the children of sisters are also brothers and sisters
to each other; and that the children of cousins are themselves cousins to each
other ; and, finally, that the same relationships continue downwards, as before
explained, amongst their respective descendants, at equal removes, indefinitely.
To illustrate from Plate VIII Hoc'-sote and Hoc'-sote are own brothers ; the three
Hoc-so'-do below them are brothers to each other as the children of brothers ; the
four fathers of Ego below them are also brothers to each other by the same rule,
and three of them are also fathers to Ego because they are brothers of his own
father. The four below the last are brothers, in like manner because they are the
children of brothers. Having now reached the transverse line of figures to which
Ego belongs, and ascertained that they are all brothers to each other, this, of itself,
determines the relationships of the ascendants and descendants of each of these

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 163

collateral brothers to Ego himself. The sons and grandsons of my collateral
brothers are my sons and grandsons ; the father of each of these brothers is my
father because he is the brother of my own father ; and so is the grandfather of
each my grandfather, because he is the brother of my own grandfather. If Oc'-sote
and Oc'-sote in Plate IX are taken, and the diagram is gone through Avith, the same
results will be obtained ; and so, also, if Oc'-sote and Hoc'-sote in the diagram, or
Hoc'-sote and Oc'-sote in the other, are taken, the several relationships as given will
be fully verified.

The other method is by shifting the position of Ego to that of each person on
the diagram in turn, and then ascertaining the correlative relationship. It can be
illustrated most conveniently by examples. In Plate VIII there are three figures to
the right of my own father, each marked Hd'-nih. If it is desired to prove that
the person represented by the middle of these figures is my father, under the sys-
tem, we may reverse the question and ascertain whether I am the son of this person.
In so doing the position of Ego and this Ha'-nih are exchanged, and the descrip-
tion of intermediate persons is reversed, whence the figure formerly occupied by
Ego is found to represent " my father's brother's son's son," who, as before shown,
is my son, I am therefore, the son of this Hd'-nih. Again, in Plate IX, if the middle
figure marked Hoc-no'-seh to the right of No'-ych be taken, and the description of
intermediate persons be reversed, it will make the person represented by the figure
formerly occupied by Ego " my father's sister's daughter's son," who is my nephew.
He is the son of my female cousin, myself a male. Thus it is seen that Ego and
Hoc-no' -sell are nephew and uncle. In this manner the correlative relationship will
be found to be the true one in every case.

For each collateral line beyond the fourth as far as relationships can be traced
the classification is the same. Wheresoever the chain of consanguinity can be
followed, the principles of the system are rigorously applied ; but the first four
collateral lines, which include third cousins under the Aryan system, is as far as
they have occasion to apply it in ordinary intercourse. It has before been stated,
and the statement is here repeated, that the system of consanguinity and affinity
just described is not only theoretically the system of the Ganowanian family, but
the form as detailed is, at the present moment, in constant daily use amongst the
Seneca Indians of New York, and has been in use by them from time immemorial.
It is thoroughly understood by the rudest amongst them, and can be fully explained
by the more intelligent of their number. They still address each other, when
related by the term of relationship, and never by the personal name. To be igno-
rant of the relationship which another person sustains to the speaker, and to show
it by an omission of the proper address is a discourtesy, and is regarded as such.
In this usage is found a sufficient explanation of the manner in which a knowledge
of the system is imparted as well as preserved from generation to generation.

It follows, from the nature of the system, that a knowledge of the degrees of
consanguinity, numerically, is essential to the proper classification of kindred.
Consanguinity in its most complicated ramifications is much better understood by
these Indians than by ourselves. Our collateral kindred, except within the nearest
degrees, are practically disowned. The more creditable Indian practice of recog-

164 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

nizing their relatives, near and remote, and of addressing by kin, tends to preserve
the integrity of the blood connection.

The marriage relationships, other than those named, are fully discriminated.
There are two terms for father-in-law, Ha-ga'-sii, for the husband's father, and
Oc-na'-hose, for the wife's father. This last term is also used to designate a son-in-
law, and is therefore a reciprocal term. There are also terms for stepfather and
stepmother, Hoc-no'-ese and Oc-no'-ese, which are also applied, respectively, to the
husband of my father's sister, and to the wife of my mother's brother : and for
stepson and stepdaughter, Ho! -no and Ka'-no. In a number of nations two fathers-
in-law are related to each other, and so are two mothers-in-law, and there are terms
to express the relationships. The opulence of the nomenclature, although rendered
necessary by the elaborate discriminations of the system, is nevertheless remarkable.

None of the persons indicated in the diagrams, or in the Table, as consanguinci,
however remote, can intermarry. Relatives by marriage, after the decease of their
respective husbands or wives, are under no restriction. Against the intermarriage
of consanguinei the regulations are very stringent amongst the greater part of the
American Indian nations.

We have now passed step by step through the lineal, and the first, second, third,
and fourth collateral lines in their several branches, with Ego a male, and also a
female, and have exhibited every feature of the system with great minuteness of
detail. The analysis of the system presented in the previous chapter has been
confirmed in every particular. If the reader has been sufficiently patient to follow
the chain of consanguinity, and to observe the operation of the principle which
determines each relationship, the contents of this extraordinary system will have
been fully mastered. It will be comparatively easy, hereafter, to follow and iden-
tify its characteristic features in the forms prevailing in other branches of the
family ; and also to detect, on bare inspection, the slightest deviations which they
make from the typical or standard form.

It remains to notice the plan of consanguinity amongst the other Iroquois nations.
With the exception of one indicative feature, and of a few inconsiderable and
subordinate particulars, they all agree with each other in their domestic relation-
ships. It will not, therefore, be necessary to take them up in detail. A reference
to the Table (Table II) will show that the terms of relationship, with unimportant
exceptions, are the same original words, under dialectical changes, in the six dia-
lects. The presence in each of all of its indicative characteristics save one, and
their minute agreement in subordinate details, establish the identity of the system,
as well as its derivation by each nation from a common original source.

The discrepancy to which reference has been made consists in the absence, among
the Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, of the relationship of aunt, and
in supplying its place with that of mother, wherever the former occurs in the Seneca
form. As a consequence, the relationships of nephew and niece are unknown to
the females, and are supplied by those of son and daughter. This deviation from
uniformity upon an indicative relationship is difficult of explanation. It is, also,
not a little singular that after four hundred years of intimate political intercourse,

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 165

and constant intermarriage, this diversity has been maintained to the present time.1
On the other hand, the relationship of aunt, applied and restricted to the father's
sister, is found in the system of the Tuscaroras and Wyandotes. In the former it
is Akk-kaw'-rac, in the latter Ah-ra'-hoc, which are evidently the Seneca Ali-ga'-huc
dialectically changed. This fact suggests the question, before stated, whether the
Wyandotes, Tuscaroras, and Senecas, are not more immediately connected, geneti-
cally, than the Senecas and other Iroquois nations. The Tuscarora and Wyandote
dialects are much further removed from the Seneca than the latter is from those of
the remaining nations : but it is possible that this may be explained by the long
separation of the former from the Iroquois, which would tend to increase the
variation, whilst the constant association of the Senecas with their confederates
would tend to retard their dialectical separation. It is one thing to borrow a term
of relationship and substitute it in the place of a domestic term, of equivalent
import, but quite a different undertaking to change an established relationship and
invent a new term for its designation. The first might occur and not be extraordi-
nary, but the latter would be much less likely to happen. Among the traditions
of the Senecas there is one to the effect that they had a distinct and" independent
history anterior to the epoch of their confederation with the other Iroquois nations.
This feature in their system of relationship, and which is shared by the Tuscaroras
and Wyandotes, and not by their immediate associates, tends to confirm the tradi-
tion, as well as to suggest the inference that the Senecas, Tuscaroras, and Wyan-
dotes, were of immediate common origin. It has been referred to, not so much
for its intrinsic importance as for the illustration which it furnishes of the uses of
systems of consanguinity and affinity for minute ethnological investigations through
periods of time far beyond the range of historical records

7. Two Mountain Iroquois.

The location and antecedents of this fragment of the Iroquois stock were
referred to in the early part of this chapter. Their system agrees substantially
with that of the Oneidas and Mohawks ; and is chiefly interesting as an illustration
of the ability of the system to perpetuate itself in disconnected branches of the
same stock.2

1 Descent amongst the Iroquois is in the female line both as to tribe and as to nationality. The
children are of the tribe of the mother. If a Cayuga marries a Delaware woman, for example, his
children are Dclawares and aliens, unless formally naturalized with the forms of adoption : but if a
Delaware marries a Cayuga woman, her children are Cayugas, and of her tribe of the Cayugas. It
is the same if she marries a Seneca. In all cases the woman confers her tribe and nationality upon
her children. She will also adhere to the Cayuga system of relationship on the point under con-
sideration. For seventy years the Cayugas, still living in Western New York, have resided with
the Senecas, and constantly intermarried with them ; but they still retain their dialect, tribes, nation-
ality, and relationships. In 1858 I asked a Cayuga woman on one of the Seneca reservations in
what relationship her father's sister stood to her. She replied, " My mother." I expressed a doubt
of her correctness, but she adhered to her answer. She gave me the Seneca name for aunt in the
Cayuga dialect, but denied the relationship. I afterwards found the same deviation from the Seneca
form amongst the Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks.

* There are Mohawks, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Cayugas now residing upon the Thames River in
Canada West. Besides these, there are Oneidas and Onondagas near Green Bay in Wisconsin, and
also Senecas in Kansas. The Iroquois in New York now number about 4000.

166 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

II. Hurons. 1. Wyandotes.

A brief notice of the Hurons and of their descendants, the Wyandotes, has
already been given. They were called Wane'-dote by the Iroquois, which name
they afterwards adopted for themselves.1 The Wyandotes affirm that the Dakotas
are descended from them, which must be understood simply as an assertion of their
genetic connection. They call the Dakotas Tun-da'-no. This was the name, still
preserved in Wyandote tradition, of the chief under whom the Dakotas separated
themselves from the Wyandotes. It signifies "Big Stomach." The Dakotas
themselves, it is said, still recognize the relationship, and style the Wyandotes
Brothers.

Their system of relationship will be found in the Table. It has all of the indica-
tive features of the common system, and agrees with the Seneca so completely that
its presentation in detail would be, for the most part, a literal repetition of the
description just given. The terms of relationship, in nearly every instance, are
from the same roots as the Seneca ; and although the dialectical variation, in some
cases, is quite marked, their identity is at once recognized. This, however, is of
less importance than the coincidence of the radical features of their respective
systems. A comparison of the two forms shows that the system in all its precision
and complexity, with the same original terms of relationship, now prevails in both
nations; and that it has descended to each, with the streams of the blood, from the
same common source. For two hundred and fifty years, within the historical
period, these nations have been separate and hostile, and were for an unknown
period anterior to their discovery, and yet the system has been preserved by each,
through the intervening periods, without sensible change. The fact itself is some
evidence of the stability and persistency of its radical forms. Its existence in the
Hodenosaunian branch of the Ganowanian family carries it back to the time when
these several nations were a single people.

The most remarkable fact with reference to this system of relationship yet
remains to be mentioned, namely, that indicative feature for indicative feature, and
relationship for relationship, almost without an exception, it is identical with the
system now prevailing amongst the Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese peoples of South
India, as will hereafter be fully shown. The discrepancies between them are
actually less, aside from the vocables, than between the Seneca and the Cayuga.

The comparative table of the Seneca-Iroquois and Yankton-Dacota systems of
relationship, referred to at page 154, is appended to this chapter.

1 It signifies " calf of the leg," and refers to their manner of stringing strips of dried buffalo moat.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

167

TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-IROQUOIS, AND OF THE YANKTON-DAKOTAS.

Description of persona.

Relationships in Seneca.

Translation.

Relationships in Yankton.

Translation.

LINEAL LINE.

My grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" father.
" mother.
" son.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" elder brother.

" younger sister.
a it tt

" younger brother.

t; tt tt

" younger sister.

" brothers.
u tt
u tt
(t tt

" son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.

My grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" father.
** mother.
" son.
daughter.

grandchild.

tt

tt
u

elder brother.

it tt

elder sister.

U tt

younger brother.

tt tt

younger sister.

u tt

brothers.

sisters,
tt

" son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.
" grandchild.
t< tt
tt it
a <t
" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.
" son-in-law.

" grandchild.

it ti

u tt
« tt

" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.
" son-in-law.
" grandchild.

tt «
ti tt

11 son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.

" grandchild.
tt <t

ft tt
u tt

" father.
i{ mother.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law,
it tt tt

** elder sister.
" younger sister.

" brother-in-law.

t it tt

* son.
* nephew.
' daughter.
* niece.
1 nephew.
' son.
" niece.
** daughter.

2. " great grandfather's mother

Oc'-sote

4. " great grandmother

Oc'-sote

O-che'

O-che'

7 " father

Ha'-nih . .

Ah-ta'

K'-nah

9. ' son
10. ' daughter
11. ' grandson
12. ' granddaughter
13. ' great grandson

Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka-ah'-wuk
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ya'-da

Me-tii'-ko-zhii

Me-tii'-ko-zha

15. ' great grandson's son
16. ' great grandson's daughter

Ha-ya'-da
Ka-ya'-da
Hii'-je

Me-tii'-ko-zha

Che-a'

Hii'-je.

19. elder sister (male speaking)
20. eliler sister (female s/teakiny)

Ah'-je
Ah'-je

Ha'-ea ..

Chu-ih'

Me-soU'-ka

23. " younger sistej (male speaking)
24. " younger sister (female speaking)

Ka'-ga
Ka'-ga

Me-hun'ka-wan-zhe

Da-ya'-gwa-dan'-no-ilii
Da-ya'-gKii-dan'-no-d i
Da-ya'-gwa-dau'-no-dii

Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka'-sa

Me-ta- we-uoh ''-tin

First Collateral Line.
29. " brother's sou (mate speaking)

31 " brother's daughter " "

32. " brother's dau. husb. " "
33. " brother's grandson " "
34. " brother's gd. daughter " "
35. " brother's gt. gd. son " "
36. " brother's gt. gd. dau. " "
37. " sister's son "

Oc-ua'-hose

Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ya'-da
Ka-yii'-da

Ha-ya'-wan-da
Ka'-sii

39. ' Bister's daughter " "
40. ' sister's daught. husb. " "
41. ' sister's grandson "
42. ' sister's granddanght. " "
43. ' sister's gt. grandson " "
44. " sister's gt. gd. daught. " "

Ka-ya'wan-da
Oc-na'-hose
Ha-yii'-da

Me-ta'-koash

" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" nephew.
" daughter-in-law.
" niece.
" son-in-law.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" son.
" daughter-in-law.
" daughter.
" son-in-law.
" grandson.
" granddaughter
" grandson.
" granddaughter.

" father.
" step-mother.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" sister-in-law.
tt tt tt

" elder sister.
" younger sister.

" brother-in-law,
tt tt tt

" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" dauchtnr.

Me-ta'-ko-za

Ha-ya'-da
Ka-yii'-da

Me-ta'-ko-za

Me-to~us'-ka

46. " brother's son's wife " "
47. " brother's daughter " "
48. " brother's dau. husb. " "
49. " brother's grandson " "

Ka'-sa
Ka-so'-neh
Oc-na'-hose
Ha-ya'-da

Me-ta-ko-zha

Me-ta-ko-zha

52. " brother's gt. gd. dau. " "
53. " sister's son " "
54. " sister's son's wife " "
55 " sister's daughter "

Ka-ya'-da
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka'-sii

Me-ta'-ko-zha

56. " sister's daught. husb. " "
57. " sister's grandson "
58. " sister's granddaughter" "

Oc-na-hose
Ha-yii'-da

Me-ta'-ko-zha

Me-ta'-ko-zha

Me-ta'-ko-zha

60. " sister's gt. gd.daujjht. " "

Second Collateral Line.

61 " father's brother

Me-ta'-ko-zha

Ha'-nih

\h ti'

63. " father's bro. son (older than myself)

Hii'-je
Ha'-ea...

Me soh'-ka

i)5. " father's brother's son's wife (m. s.)

Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah

Ha'-ka

].- gn't'-pii

67. " father's bro. dau. (oldei than myself)

Ah'-je

Ka'-ea...

Ton-ka'

69. " father's bro. daught. husb. (m. s.)
70. " father's bro. daught. husb. (/. s.)
71. " father's brother's son's son (m. s.)

Ta-huh'

Ha-ya'-o

73. " father's brother's son's dau. (m. s.)
74. " father's brother's son's dau. (/. s.)
75. " father's broth, daught. son (m. s.)
76. " father's broth, daught. son (f. s.)
77. " father's broth, daught. dau. (m. s.)
78. " father's broth, clausrl't. dan. (/. s.)

Ka-ah'-wuk
Ka-soh'-neh
Ha-ya'-wan-da
Ha-ah'-wuk
Ka-ya'- wan-da
Ka-ah'-wuk

Me to~us'-za

168

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS AND YANKTON-DAKOTAS — Continued.

Description of persona.

Relationships in Seneca.

Translation.

Relationships in Yankton,

Translation,

Ha-ya'-da

My grandson.
" granddaughter.
" annt.
" step- father.
" cousin.
tf ti

" sister-in-law.

( ft tl

' cousin.

i *i

' brother-in-law.

< n tt

' son.
' nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" uncle.
" aunt-in-law.
" cousin.

If tl

" sister-in-law.

ti n it

" consin.

t( u

" brother-in-law,
t <t tt

' son.
' nephew.
' daughter.
' niece.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
' daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" mother.
" step-father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.

" sister-in-law,
tt it tt

" elder sister.
" younger sister.

" brother-in-law.

tt ti ti

" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.

" grandfather.
" father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
" grandmother.
" aunt.

" cousin,
tt ti

" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.

Me-ta'-ko-zha

My grandchild.
ti tt

" aunt.
" uncle.
' male cousin.

f tt u

' sister-in-law.
t tt ti

' female cousin,
t tt n

' brother-in-law.

tt tt ti

" son.
" ni'pliew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.

" grandihild.
tt tt

" uncle.
" aunt.

" male cousin.

tt tt tt

" gister-in-law.
tt tt ti

" female consin.
tt tt tt

' brother-in-law,
t it tt

' son.
' nephew.
' daughter.
' niece.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
' daughter.
' grandchild,
f it

' mother.
" father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.

" sister-in-law,
ft ti tt

" elder sister.
" younger sister.

" brother-in-law.

tf tt it

" son.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.
" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandchild,
ft tt

" grandfather.
" father.
" elder brother.
" younger brother.
" son.
" nephpw.
" daughter.
" niece.
" grandchild,
tt ti

" grandmother.
" aunt.

" female cousin,
tt ft ti

" nephew.
" son.
" niece.
" daughter.
" grandchild.
it ft

Me-tii'-ko-zha

81. " father's sister
82. " father's sister's husband
83. " father's sister's son (m. speaking)
84. " father's sister's son (fern, speaking)
85. " father's sister's sou's wife {male speaking)
86. " " " " " (/em. speaking)
87. " father's sister's daughter {male speaking)
88. " " " " " (/em. speaking)
69. " father's sister's dau. husb. {male speaking)
90. " " " " " {fern, speaking)
91. " father's sister's son's son {male speaking)
92. " " " " " {fen. speaking)
93. " father's sister's son's dan. (male speaking)
94. " " " " " {fern, speaking)
95. " father's sister's danehter's son {m. s.)
96. " " " " " (/. s-)
97. " father's sister's daughter's danght. (m. s.)
98. " " " " " (/. *.)
99. " father's sister's great grandson

Ah-ga'-huc
Hoc-no'-ese

Ah-gare'-eeh
Ah-gare'-seh

Toh'-we

Tii'-she

Ila-kii'

E-sha'-pa.

Tii-ha'

Ha-ya'-o

She-cha'

Me-to~us'-ka

Me-to~^us'-za

Me-to"us'-ka

Ha-ya'-da

Me ta'-ko-zha

Me-ta'-ko-zha

101. " mother's brother
102. " mother's brother's wife
103. " mother's brother's son {male speaking)
104. " " " " {fnnale speaking)
105. " mother's brother's son's wife (m. s.)
106. " " " " " (/. s.)
107. " mother's brother's daughter (m. s.)
108. " " " (/. *.)
109. " mother's brother'9dan£!hter'shusb.(m.s.)
110. " " " " " (/. s.)
111. " mother's brother's son's son (m. s.)
112. " " " " " (/. s.)
113. " mother's brother's son's daughter (m. s.)
114. " " " " " (/. s.)
115. " mother's brother's daughter's son (m. «.)
116. " " " " " (/. » )
117. " mother's brother's daught. daught. (m. s.)
118. " " (/ «.)

Hoc-no'-seh
Ah-gS/-ni-ah

Toh'-we

Ta'-she

Ha-ka'

E-sha'-pa

Ta-huh'

Ha-ya'-o

She-cha'

Me-chink'-she

Me-chounk'-she

Ka-soh'-neh

Me-to~us'-ka

Me-to^us'-za

Me chounk'-she

Me-tii'-ko-zha

120. " mother's brother's great granddaughter...

Ka-ya'-da
No-yeh/ ."

K'-nah

122. " mother's sister's husband
123. " mother's sister's son {older than myself)
124. " " " " {younger than nil/self)
125. " mother's sister's son's wife (m. s.)
126. " " " " " (/. «.)
127. " mother's sister's dan. {older than myself)
128. " " " " {younger than myself)
129. " mother's sister's daughter's husb. (m. s.)
130. " " " " " (/. s.)
131. " mother's sister's son's son (m. s.)
132. " " " " " (/. s.)
133. " mother's Bister's son's daughter, {m. s.)
134. " " " " " (/. *.)
135. " mother's sister's daughter's son (m. s.)
136. " " " " " (/. s.)
137. " mother's sister's daught. daught. {m. s.)
138. " " " " " (/. s.)

Hoc-no'-ese

Ha'-je

Ah-ta'

Che-a'

Ha'-trS,

Ha-ka'

E-sha'-pa.

Ah'-je

Ton'-ka

Ka'-ea

Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o

Ta-ha'

She'-cha

Me-chink'-she

Me-to^us'-za

Me-to^us'-ka

Ha^ya/-da

Me-ta'-ko-zha

Me-ta'-ko-zhii

Third Collateral Line.
141. " father's father's brother

Hoc'-sote

Hii'-mh

Toon-kii'-she-na

Ah-ta'

143. " father's fa. bro. sou's s. {older than myself)
144. " " " " " {younger than myself)
145. " father's fath. bro. son's son's sou (m. ».)
146. " " " " " " " (/. «.)
147. " father's fath. bro. son's son's dau. (m. «.)
148. " " " " " " " (/. ».)
149. " father's father's brother's gt. gt. grandson
150. " father's father's brother's gt. gt. gd. dau.

Uji'.je

Clie-a'

Ha'-ga

Me-chounk'-she

Ha-ya'-da

Mi'-tii'-ko-zlia

Oc'-sote

O-che'

152. " father's father's sister's daughter
153. " father'8 father's sister's dau. dau. (m. «.)
154 '* '* " '* *( ** (f. s.)
155. " father's father's sist. dau. dau. son (m. s.)
156. " " " " " " " (/. s.)
157. " father's father's sist. dau. dau. dau.(m.«.)
158. " " " " " " " (/. s.)
159. " father's fatlier's sister's great grandHon....
lijl). " father's father's sister's gt. granddaughter

Ah-ga'-hun

Toh'-we

Me-chink'-she

Me-to~us'-za
Me chonnk'-she

Ha-yii'-da
K.'i-yii'-da

Me-ta'-ko-zha

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

169

TABLE EXHIBITING THE SYSTEM OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY OF THE SENECA-!ROQUOIS AND YANK.TON-DAKOTAS — Continued.

Description of persons.

Relationships in Seneca.

Translation.

Relationships in Yankton.

Translation.

Hoc'-sote

My grandfather.
" uncle.
" cousin,
it it

" son.
" nephew.
" daughter
" niece.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.
' grandmother.
' mother.
' elder sister.
' younger sister.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
" daughter.
" grandson.
" granddaughter.

" grandfather.

it a

" father.
" elder brother.
" sou.
" grandson.

" grandmother.
it n

" Annt.
" Cousin.
" daughter.
" granddaughter.
" grandfather,
ii 11

" uncle.
" cousin.
" son.
" grandson.

" grandmother,
it ii

" mother.
" elder sister.
" daughter.
" granddaughter.

" hnsb. (two joined).
" wife (two joined).
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" son-in-law.
" daughter-in-law.
" step-father.
" step-mother.
" step-son.
" step-daughter.
" elder or y'nger bro.
" elder or y'nger sist.

" brother-in-law,
it it ii
it ii ii
ii ii it

Not related,
a ii

My sister-in-law
ii ii ii

it ii ii
ti ii it

Not related.

ii it

Widow.
Widower.
Twins..

Toon-ka'-she-na

My grandfather.
" uncle.
" male cousin,
ii ii it

" sou.
" nephew.
" daughter.
" niece.

" grandchild.

it ii

" grandmother.
" mother.
" elder sister.
" younger sister.
' nephew.
' son.
' niece.
' daughter.

' grandchild,
i it

" grandfather.
it ii

" father.
" elder brother.
" son.
" grandchild.

" grandmother,
ii a

' aunt.
' female cousin.
' daughter.
' grandchild.
' grandfather.
i K

' uncle.
' male cousin.
' son.
' grandchild.

" grandmother.

ii ii

" mother.
" elder sister.
" daughter.
" grandchild.

" husband.
" wife.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" father-in-law.
" mother-in-law.
" grandfather.
" grandmother.
" son-in-law.
" daughter-in-law.
" father.
" mother.
" son.
" daughter.

" Elder or y'nger bro.
ii ii ii ii

' brother-in-law,
i ii ii

i ii ii
i ii ii

' Elder or y'nger bro.
it a ii ii

" sister-in-law.

ii it ii

ii ii ii
ii ii ii
ii it ii

Widow.
Widower.
Twins.

Hoc-no'-seh

Dake'-she

163. " mother's mother's bro. son's sou (m. s.)
164. " " " " " " (/. s.)
165. " mother's mother's bro. son's s. s. (m. s.)
166. " " " " " " (/. s.)
167. " mother's moth. bro. son's s. dau. (m. s.)
168. " " " " " " " (/. s.)
169. " mother's mother's brother's gt. grandson
170. " mother's mother's bro. gt. granddaughter

Tii'-she

She-cha'-she

Me-to^us'-ka

Ka-ah'-wuk'

Ka-soh'-neh , ...

Ha-ya'-da

Ka-ya'-da

Me-ta'-ko-zha

0<;'-sote

O-che'

No'-yeh

E"-nah

173. ' mother's mo. sis. dau. fr.(older than myself)
174. ' " " " (younger than myself)
175. ' mother's moth. sist. dau. son's son (»i. s.)
176. ' " " " " " (/. s.)
177. ' mother's mother's sist. dau. dau. (m. s.)
178. ' " " " " " (/. s.)
179. ' mother's mother's sister's great grandson
180. " mother's mother's sister's gt. gd. daught.

Fourth Collateral Line.
181. " father's father's father's brother

Ah'-je

Ka'-ga

Me-soh'-ka

Me-to^us'-ka

Ha-ah'-wuk

Ha-yii'-da

Me-tii/ ko zhji

Toon-ka/-she-na

182. " father's father's father's brother's son
183. " father's father's father's broth, son's son
184. " father's fa. fa. br. s. s. s. (older than myself)
185. " father's fa. fa. broth, son's s. 8. s. (m. s.)
186. " father's fa. fa. brother's son's son's s. s. s.
187. " father's father's father's sister
188. " father's father's father's sister's daughter
189. " father's father's father's sister's dau. dau.
190. " father's father's fath. sist. dau. dau. dau.
191. " father's fa. fa. sist. dau. dau. d. d. (m. s.)
192. " father's fa. fa. sist. dau. d. d. d. d. "
193. " mother's mother's mother's brother
194. " mother's mother's mother's brother's son
195. " mother's mother's mother's bro. sou's son
196. " mother's mo. mo. bro. sou's son's s.(m. s.)
197. " mother's mo. ino. bro. sou's svs. s. "
198. " mother's mo. mo. bro. son's son's s. s. S.
199. " mother's mother's mother's sister
2110. " mother's mother's mother's sister's dau.
201. " mother's mother's mo. sister's dau. dau.
202. " mother's mo. mo. sister's dau. dau. dan.
203. " mo. m. m. sis. d. d. d. d. (older than myself )
204. " mo. mo. mo. sis. dau. dau. dau. dau. dau.

Marriage Relatives.
205. " husband

Hoo'-sote
Ha'-nih

Ah'-ta

Ua'-je

Che'-a

Ha-ya'-da

Me-ta/-ko-zha

Oc'-sote
Oc'-sote

O-che7

0-che'

Toh'-we

Ha-ka/-she

Me-ta/-ko-zha

Hoe'-sote

Toou-kii/-she ua

Ta/-she . ...

Ha-ya'-da

Me-taMco-zha

Oc'-sote

0-chex

0-che/.

E'-nah

Ah'-je

Ton-ka'

Da-yake'-ne . .

206. " wife
207. " husband's father

Da-yake'-ne

Ha-ga'-sa ...

To-ka/-she

208. " husband's mother

209. " husband's grandfather
210. " husband's grandmother

Ha-ya'-sa

O-che' .

211. " wife's father
212. " wife's mother
213. " wife's grandfather
214. " wife's grandmother
215. " son-in-law
216. " daughter-in-law

Oc-na'-hose
Oc-na'-hose
Hoc'-sote
Oc'-sote
Oc-na'-hose
Ka'-sa ..

To-ka/-she

Toon -kii/-s he-na

0-che'

217. " step-father

Ah-ta'

218. " step-mother
219. " step-son

Oc-no'-ese

Ha'-no

E'-nah

220. " step-daughter

Ka'-no

221. " step-brother

Ha'-je(o) ha'-ga(y)
Ah'-je(o) ka'-ga(y)
Ha-ya'-o

Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y)
Ton-ka' (o) me-tank'-she
She-cha' [(y)

222. " stepsister

223. " brother-in-law (husband's brother)
224. " " " (sister's husband (m. s.)
225. " " " " " (/. s.)
226. " " " (wife's brother)
227. " " " (wife's sister's husband)
228. " " " (husband's sister's husband)
229. " sister-in-law (wife's sister)
230. " " " (brother's wife (m. s.)
231. " " " " " (/. s.)
232. " " " (husband's sister)
233. " " " (wife's brother's wife)
234. " " " (husband's brother's wife)
235. Widow
236. Widower

Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o

Ta-huh'

Ha-ya'-o

She-cha'

Tii-ha'

Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y)
Che-a (o) me-soh-ka (y)
Ha-ka'

Ka-ya'-o

Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah

E-sha'-pS,

Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o

E-sha'-pa

Hii-kii/

E-sha'-pa

We-ta/-she-na

Ho-no-kwa'-yes-hii-ah..
Ta geek'-ha

237. Twins
238. Two fathers-in-law to each other

Chek'-pa

239. Two mothers-in-law to each other '.

22 January, 1870.

170 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

CHAPTER III.

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY— CONTINUED.

II. Dakotan Nations.— 1. Dakota Nations Proper— Their Area and Dialects — Their Transfer to the Plains— Federa-
tive Principle among them — System of Relationship of the Yanktons taken as the Standard — Indicative Relation-
Bhips— System identical with the Seneca — Increasing Evidence of the Self-perpetuation of the System— 2.
Missouri Nations — Their Area and Dialects — System of the Kaws adopted as the Standard — Indicative Relation-
ships— Principal Deviation from Uniformity — It occurs invariably on the Relationships between the Children of a
Brother and Sister — System identical with the Yankton — 3. Winnebagoes — Their Original Area — Nearest Affiliation
of this Dialect with those of the Missouri Nations — Their System identical with the Yankton — 4. Mandans —
Agricultural and Village Indians — Indicative Relationships — System identical with the Yankton— 5. Minnitarees
and Upsarokas or Crows— Separation of the Crows from the Minnitarees— Their Migration northward to the Sis-
katchewun — Their Dialect — Observations upon the Divergence of Dialects — Minnitaree System — Indicative Rela-
tionships— Identical with the Yankton — Principal Deviation from Uniformity. III. Gulf Nations — 1. Gulf Nations
Proper — Their Area and Dialects — System of the Choctas adopted as Standard — Indicative Relationships —
System identical with the Yankton — Principal Deviation from Uniformity — It agrees with the Minnitaree — Min-
nitarees a connecting link between Gulf and Missouri Nations — 2. Cherokees — Their Language and Area — System
of Relationship identical with the Chocta — Observations upon the Dakotan Dialects. IV. Prairie Nations — Their
Area and Dialects — 1. Pawnees — Republican Pawnee System taken as Standard — Its indicative Relationships —
Identical with the Yankton — Principal Deviation from Uniformity — It agrees with the Checta — 2. Arickareea —
Their Area and Dialect — Their System agrees with the Pawnee — Reasons for attaching Gulf and Prairie Nations
to the Dakotan Stem — Results of Comparison of Systems — One System in Fundamental Characteristics found
among all these Nations — Their Unity of Origin — System of Relationship as a Basis for the construction of a
Family of Nations.

1. Dakota Nations Proper. 2. Missouri Nations. 3. Winnebagoes. 4. Man-
dans. 5. Minnitarees and Upsarokas or Crows.

The two leading subdivisions of the Ganowanian family north of New Mexico
are the Dakotan and the Algonkin. They have held this position from the earliest
period to which our knowledge extends. It is probable that all of the nations
south of the Siskatchewun Eiver and Hudson's Bay, and east of the Missouri and
Mississippi Rivers will ultimately be resolved by linguistic affiliations, into these
two great divisions. A large number of nations west of the Missouri also belong
to the Dakotan Stem. The two groups of languages occupied about equal areas,
and are respectively broken up into about the same number of dialects. Among
the dialects of the former language, which is the oldest of the two in the area if
the Gulf nations belong to this branch, the amount of deviation is much the
greatest, the vocables of many of them having changed beyond the reach of identi-
fication, although they still wear a family resemblance. It is also extremely
probable, not to say certain, that the two original languages from which these
dialects respectively have emanated had become distinct and entirely changed irt
their vocables, on the Pacific side of the Continent, before the two streams of

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 171

migration commenced to the eastward, the Dakotan to the valley of the Mississippi
by some southern route, and the Algonkin to the chain of Lakes, and the valley of
the St. Lawrence by some northern route. The classification of nations adopted in
the Table is founded chiefly upon their system of relationship, which contains some
evidence bearing upon their inter-relations that will appear as we proceed.

A stock language, as the term is here used, includes such dialects as have a
sufficient number of vocables for common objects susceptible of identification to
establish their immediate derivation from each other, or from a common parent
language. Branch, when applied to a group of nations, is coextensive with stock
language as applied to a group of dialects. The term stem, or stem-people, is used
in a more comprehensive sense. It includes several branches or groups of nations,
whose systems of relationship possess features showing affinity of blood. It also
includes several stock languages, the vocables of which have a family resemblance,
although changed beyond immediate identification.

I. Dakota Nations Proper. 1. Isaunties. 2. Yanktons. 3. Yanktonais. 4.
Sissetons. 5. Ogalallas. 6. Brules. 7. Unkpappas. 8. Blackfoot Dakotas. (9.
Ohenonpas. 10. Minnikanyes. 11. Sansarcs. 12. Itazipcoes, these are not repre-
sented in the Table.) 13. Asiniboines.

At the period of European discovery, the Dakotas proper were found established
upon the head waters of the Mississippi in the present state of Minnesota. Their
home country extended from the head of Lake Superior to the Missouri River, the
greater part of which, along the margins of the rivers, streams and lakes, was in
their continuous occupation. When first known to the colonists, through the
early explorers, they were subdivided into a number of independent bands, living
more or less in tent villages,1 and were supposed to be more numerous than any
other northern Indians who spoke mutually intelligible dialects. The first accounts
were favorable concerning their intelligence, their hospitality, and their manliness.

The Dakota language has assumed two, if not three, distinctly marked dialectical
forms, but the variance is not sufficient to interrupt free communication. These
dialects may be distinguished as the Isauntie, the Teeton, and the Yankton.
Between the first two the amount of variation is considerable ; but the third, the
Yankton, is in the process of formation out of the first.2 As two forms of the same
speech, they may be called the Isauntie, or the Mississippi, and the Teeton or
Missouri Dakota. For philological purposes they are extremely interesting, since
the variance is still in the incipient stages of its development.

1 Carver's Travels, p. 51 (Philadelphia edition 1796), shows that this was the case in 1766.

9 " The chief peculiarity of the Ihanktonwan [Yankton] as compared with that of the Dakotas of
Minnesota [Isaunties] is the almost universal substitution of k for h. The Titonwan [Teeton] exhibits
more striking differences. In it g hard is used for h of the Isanties and Ic of the Ihanktonwans, and
rejecting d altogether, they used I in its stead. * * * Thus, to illustrate the foregoing. * * *
' Hda,'1 to go home of the Isantes, is ' kda1 of the Ihantonwans dialect, and 'gla' in the Titonwau.
Many words, too, are entirely different, as for example, ' isan', a knife ; the Titonwans say ' milla',
and the Ihanktonwans minna." Smithsonian Con. IV. Gram, and Die. of Dakota Language, Intro.
XVII. This last difference may probably be explained by the absence of a term for knife in the
primitive language.

172 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

Since the period of their discovery, when the Dakotas occupied a territory of small
dimensions, a great change has taken place in their condition, ascribable, in part, to
the retro-migration westward of the Indian nations ; but chiefly to the possession
of the horse, which has proved by far the most important material gift of Americans
to the American aborigines. After they had learned to rear and tend this valuable
domestic animal, in which they have been eminently successful, they gradually
spread over the vast prairies of the interior of the continent, which never before
had been capable of human occupation, until at the present time their range
extends over the immense area from the western head branches of the Mississippi
to the foot of the Rocky Mountain chain. The change thus wrought in their
condition has been chiefly for the worse, although it seems probable that they are
now more numerous than at any former period. They have ceased altogether to
live in villages, in which the first germs of social progress originate, and have
betaken themselves to camps on the plains, where they now lead a life of unrelieved
hardship, and of incessant conflict with adjacent nations, although acknowledged
masters within their own area. They have now become nomades in the full sense
of the term, depending for subsistence upon the buffaloes, whose migrations they
follow. When first known to us they were not agriculturalists in the slightest
particular, but depended exclusively upon fish, wild rice, and game. The innume-
rable lakes in central and northern Minnesota were well stocked with fish, and the
mixture of forest, lake, and prairie, which make this one of the most strikingly
beautiful regions within the limits of the United States, also rendered it an excel-
lent game country. The exchange was greatly to their disadvantage. Their
transfer to the plains, where the greater part of them now dwell, was much more
from necessity than choice. The steady and irresistible flow of the white popula-
tion westward necessarily forced the Dakotas in this direction, so that their retro-
gression was but the realization of their portion of the common destiny of all the
•nations east of the Mississippi.

The Dakotas have long enjoyed the advantages imparted by a consciousness of
strength from superior numbers.1 They have had the sagacity and wisdom to
maintain a species of alliance among the several subdivisions into which they had
fallen by the inevitable law of Indian Society, although each band was practically
an independent nation. Friendly relations have subsisted among them from time
immemorial with the single exception of the Asiniboines, who became detached
shortly before the year 1600, as near as can be ascertained, and incurred, in conse-
quence, the hostility of their congeners. The important uses of the federal principle
to arrest the constant tendency to denationalization was understood by the Dakotas,
although it never ripened into a permanent and effective organization. Their
name La-Jeo'-ta in the dialects of the western nations, and Dd-ne-Jco'-ta in that of
the eastern, signifies leagued or allied, and they also called themselves, by a figure
of speech, "The Seven Council Fires," from the seven principal bands which formed

1 They arc estimated at the present time, to number about twenty-three thousand.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 173

the compact.1 We have no knowledge of any important acts of legislation for the
general welfare, by this Dakotan Confederacy, but there can be no doubt that even
a nominal league would tend to promote and preserve harmony among them, as
well as to increase their influence among Indian nations. Every trace of the
federative principle in the Ganowanian family possesses some degree of importance,
as it reveals in each case the development of the first germ of progress from the
monotonous level of the roving bands.

Intellectually the Dakotas compare favorably with the most advanced of their
contemporaries. Intractable and independent in their dispositions they have, for
the most part held themselves aloof from government influence ; but generous
and just to each other, they have maintained among Indian nations a favorable
reputation for energy, hardihood, and courage.2 Their chiefs in council are bold,
graceful, and fluent speakers. In this respect they compare favorably with the
Iroquois, who have reached some distinction in eloquence. At different times I
have heard the chiefs and orators of many Indian nations speak in council, but
none of them impressed me more strongly than the Dakota chiefs. Clearness of
thought and energy of will characterized their speech, and a free untameable spirit
their demeanor.

It is impossible to save the Dakotas, or any Indian nation, in the strictly abo-
riginal condition. They must either become agricultural or pastoral, or disappear
from the continent. With this great change even it is a formidable struggle for
existence. The Dakotas have seized the principal part, or rather the northern half
of the interior prairie area, no considerable portion of which, it seems probable, can
ever be occupied by our people. It is throughout poorly watered, and substantially
destitute of forest. On the Upper Missouri for two thousand miles, and until you
reach the foot slopes of the mountains, the timber is confined to the bottom lands of
the river, and is very scanty even there. It is the same with all of its tributaries. A
civilized and agricultural population can never inhabit any portion of this inland re- .
gion, except a narrow margin upon the rivers. On the plains, the Dakotas, if they
maintain peaceful relations, will interfere with no interests of the American people.
When the Buffalo ceases from diminished numbers to afford them subsistence,
which will be the case at no distant day, they will be compelled to rear domestic
cattle to supply their place. In this there is every reason to suppose they may be
entirely successful, from their experience in raising horses, from their knowledge
of the buffalo ranges, and from their familiarity with the life of the camp. Should

1 These were, 1. The Mediwanktons ; 2. Walipekutes ; 3. Wabipetons ; 4. Sissetons ; 5. Yank-
tons ; 6. Yanktonais; 7. Teetons. The first three are collectively the Isaunties of the Table ; and
the Teetons are now subdivided into, 1. Ogalallas ; 2. Brules ; 3. Uncpappas ; 4. Blackfoot Dakotas ;
5. Ohenonpas ; 6. Itazipcoes ; 7. Minekanyes, and 8. Sansarcs.

1 In the year 1862, at Fort Pierre in Nebraska Territory, at a council held by the United States
Indian agent with the chiefs of several bands of the Dakotas, I witnessed the refusal of a chief
of one of them to receive any annuity whatever from the government; and he alleged as a reason
that the acceptance of the goods, which were in a pile before him as he spoke, would compromise
the independence of his people.

174 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

they make the experiment and succeed in becoming a pastoral people, they will
reach a higher degree of prosperity and numbers in the future than they have
known in the past. In the course of events their removal to the plains may prove
the means of their preservation, and secure to them a more hopeful future than
awaits any other branch of the family.

Of the thirteen distinct and independent Dakota bands or nations named, eleven
are represented in the Table (Table II, Part II). Their system of consanguinity
and affinity is one and the same among them all, in every feature which is material,
and in nearly every minute particular.

This would be expected from the near approach of their dialects to a common
speech ; but it is also important as a fact, since it tends to illustrate the living
power of the system, and its ability to perpetuate itself among geographically
separated nations. One form will be sufficient to present, and that of the Yanktons
will be selected as the standard system of these nations.

It will not be necessary to take up the Yankton system of relationship as we did
the Seneca and present the several lines in detail, since it is material only to know
wherein it agrees with the Seneca, and wherein it differs. This may be shown by
pointing out the differences in the Yankton, leaving it to be inferred that in other
respects it agrees with the Seneca ; or it may be shown by stating the indicative
relationships, which not only reveal the fundamental characteristics of the system,
but which also control the several relationships that follow. There are upwards of
seventy different forms given in the Table in as many dialects of the Ganowanian
language ; and that which is true with respect to the Yankton is also equally true
with reference to the others. Whilst it is important to know the actual present
condition of the system among all of these nations to appreciate its nature and
principles as a domestic institution, its power of self-perpetuation, and its bearing
upon the question of the unity of origin of these nations, it would be too great a tax
upon the reader to go through the minute details of each. The Table contains the
full particulars. To this he is referred for a more minute knowledge of the system
pf each nation. Some plan, however, must be adopted for presenting so much of the
system of each nation, or of groups of closely affiliated nations, as will exhibit its
material characteristics. A statement of the general results of a comparison would
be less satisfactory than a comparison of the material characteristics themselves ;
because the latter will reveal the positive elements of the system. In most cases
the result desired can be secured by stating the indicative relationships, from which
its agreement or disagreement with the Seneca will be at once perceived. These
relationships disclose the radical features of the system. When they are found to
agree with the Seneca the identity of the two becomes established. In other cases,
where the differences are greater, it will be preferable to state the differences ; and
in still others it may be necessary to give details. The utmost brevity will be
sought, under either form of explanation, in the survey about to be made of the
system of relationship of the remaining nations of the Ganowanian family.

There are separate terms in the Yankton for grandfather and grandmother,
Toon-led' -she-no, and 0'-c7ie; for father and mother, Ah-ta' and E'-nah ; for son and
daughter, Mc-chinlc'-she and Me-chounk' '-she ; and a term in common gender for

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 175

grandchild, Me-ta' -kozlia. All above the former are grandfathers and grand-
mothers, and all below the latter are grandchildren.

The fraternal and sororal relationships are in the twofold form of elder and
younger, for which there is a double set of terms, one of which is used by the males
and the other by the females ; for brother and sister in the abstract there is no
term in the dialect, except in the plural number. There are two terms for cousin
(male and female), used by the males, and two for the same used by the females.
The following are the indicative relationships in the Yankton-Dakota system : —
First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, with Ego a male, are my
son and daughter, Me-chwJc'-sJie and Ne-chounlc' slie ; with Ego a female they are
my nephew and niece.

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego being a male, are my nephew and
niece, Me-to-us' -lea and Me-to-us'-zd; with.%0 a female they are my son and daughter.
Third. My father's brother is my father, Ah-ta'.

Fourth. My father's brother's son is my elder or younger brother Che'-a or
Me-soh'-ka, as he is older or younger than myself; and his daughter is my elder or
younger sister, Tan-ka' or Me-tanJc' -she.

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Toh'-we.
Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Dake'-slie.
Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother, E'-nah.

Eighth. My mother's sister's son is my elder or younger brother, and her
daughter is my elder or younger sister.

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather, Toon-7ca'-z7ie~na.
Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, and of my cousins are my grandchildren without
distinction. This merges the several collateral lines in the lineal line.

In these the indicative relationships, the Yankton and Seneca are identical. It
may be stated in addition that the children of my uncle and aunt are my cousins ;
that the children of my collateral brothers, and of my male cousins, Ego being a
male, are my sons and daughters, and that the children of my collateral sisters, and of
my female cousins, are my nephews and nieces ; with Ego a female, these relation-
ships are reversed. A comparison of the two forms, as they are found at the end
of Chapter II, will show that they are in minute agreement throughout, the mar-
riage relationships included.

It has before been stated that the system of relationship of the remaining
Dakota nations is the same in all material respects as the Yankton. A reference
to the Table will show how entirely they agree, not only in general characteristics,
but also in minute details. It will also be noticed that the terms of relationship
are the same words, in nearly every instance, under dialectical changes. This
shows that the terms have come down to each nation as a part of the common
language ; and that the system, also, was derived by each from the common source
of the language. The system is thus made coeval with the period when these
nations spoke a single dialect, and were one people.

The Asiniboines, as has been elsewhere remarked, had become detached from
the Dakotas when first known to Europeans. Their range was from near the

176 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINTY

northwest shore of Lake Superior, along the Rainy Lake, and Lake of the Woods
towards Lake Winnipeg. They formed an alliance with the Crees for mutual
defence against the Dakotas, which has been maintained with more or less con-
stancy to the present time. They are now west of the Red River of the North,
and north of the Missouri, their range including a portion of the Hudson's Bay
Territory. In their system of relationship they agree so closely with the Yankton
that whatever is said of one is equally applicable to the other. A greater differ-
ence in dialect is found between the Asiniboine and Yankton than is found
among the remaining Dakota dialects as to each other, which is explained by the
isolation of the former from the Dakota speech for two hundred and fifty years and
upwards. But the amount of dialectical variation in the terms of relationship is
still inconsiderable.

It thus appears that every indicative feature of the Seneca system is not only
present in that of the Dakota nations ; but that they are coincident throughout.
The diagrams used to illustrate the Seneca-Iroquois form will answer for either of
the Dakota nations as well. Every relationship I believe, without exception,
would be the same in the six diagrams. This identity of systems is certainly an
extraordinary fact when its elaborate and complicated structure is considered.
The significance of this identity is much increased by the further fact that it
has remained to the present time, after a separation of the Iroquois from the
Dakota nations, or from some common parent nation, for a period of time which
must be measured by the centuries required to change the vocables of their respec-
tive stock languages beyond recognition. The maintenance of a system which
creates such diversities in the domestic relationships, and which is founded upon
such peculiar discriminations, is the highest evidence of its enduring nature as a
system. Ideas never change. The language in which they are clothed is muta-
ble, and may become wholly transformed ; but the conceptions which it embodies,
and the ideas which it holds in its grasp, are alone exempt from mutability. When
these ideas or conceptions are associated together in such fixed relations as to
create a system of consanguinity, resting upon unchangeable necessities, the latter
is perpetuated by their vital force, or the system, in virtue of its organic structure,
holds these ideas in a living form. We shall be led step by step to the final infer-
ence that this system of relationship originated in the primitive ages of mankind,
and that it has been propagated like language with the streams of the blood.

II. Missouri Nations. 1. Punkas. 2. Omahas. 3. lowas. 4. Otoes. (5.
Missouris, not in the Table.) 6. Kaws. 7. Osages. (8. Quappas, not in the
Table.1)

This name is proposed for the above group of nations whose dialects are closely
allied with each other, and all of which were derived from the same immediate
source as the dialects of the Dakota language proper. These nations, when first

1 The orthography of some of these names is not in accordance with the common pronunciation in
the Indian countrj. To conform with it they should be written: Punkaws, Omaliaws, and Qnappaws.
Otoe is not the original name of this nation. Their own name, which has a vulgar signification, was
changed to Otoe at the suggestion of the traders.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 177

known to Europeans occupied the banks of the Missouri River from the mouth of
the Punka on the north, to the junction of the Missouri and Mississippi, and thence
down the latter river to the mouth of the Arkansas on the south. In their dialects
they arrange themselves into three classes, as follows: 1. Punka and Omaha; 2.
Iowa, Otoe, and Missouri ; and 3. Kaw, Osage, and Quappa. The system of relation-
ship of all these nations is given in the Table, with the exception of the Quappa,
which is believed to be identical with the Osage. The remains of the Missouri
nation are now intermingled with the Otoes, and the system of the latter nation
represents both. These nations were originally three, as their dialects still demon-
strate, and were afterwards increased to eight by subdivision. It is not now ascer-
tainable whether the three were one when they separated from the parent stem,
or broke off at three different times. The fact that the eight dialects are now
nearer to each other than either is to the Dakota proper, favors the former supposi-
tion. It is at least clear that they broke off in one body, or quite near the same
epoch in separate bodies. The Dakota dialects including the Asiniboine, are very
much nearer to each other than the dialects of the Missouri nations are among
themselves, as will be seen by consulting the Table. It would seem, therefore,
that unless we assume the existence of some intermediate nation from which both
were derived, and which has since disappeared, the greater relative age must be
assigned to the Missouri Nations. There is, however, a serious philological diffi-
culty encountered in deriving the Dakotas from the Missouri Nations, or the
reverse. It must be considered, as a part of the problem, that the latter nations
were scattered along the banks of the Missouri, and below on the Mississippi, for
more than a thousand miles, which would tend to increase the amount of dialec-
tical variation ; whilst the* former occupied a compact area upon the head waters
of the Mississippi, and from thence across a narrow belt of country to the Missouri,
which would tend in the first instance to prevent the formation of dialects and
afterwards to repress the amount of dialectical variation.1 On comparing their
respective systems of relationship it will be found that the Missouri form deviates
in one important particular, from that of the Dakota nations, in which respect it is
the rudest, and therefore the oldest. But this fact does not yield any evidence
with respect to relative age, since the supposition intervenes that the Dakota form

1 A comparison of the Punka and Yankton vocables reveals a large amount of variation, although
the identity of many of the words is obvious on mere inspection. These dialects were geographi-
cally contiguous. The Punka is one of the rudest dialects of the Dakotan stock language. It would
scarcely be supposed from the vocables that a Punka and Yankton native could understand each
other, and yet the contrary is the fact. While on the Punka reservation in Nebraska in 1862, I
obtained the Punka system of relationship from a native, with the assistance of a Yankton half blood
girl, who spoke English and Yankton fluently, but could not speak the Punka. Neither could the
Punka Indian speak the Yankton. With some difficulty they were able to understand each other while
using their respective dialects. They were undoubtedly able to detect and follow common root
forms, however much disguised. The actual amount of dialectical change is, in reality, much less
than the vocabularies seem to show.
23 February, 1870.

178 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

was originally the same ; and that it has been advanced, by development, from this
lower to a higher stage.

The system of consanguinity and affinity of the Missouri Nations is one and the
same among them all. They also agree with each other in those particulars in
which they diverge from the Dakota form. It will be sufficient to present the
system of one of these nations, and that of the Kaws will be taken as the standard.

It will be understood hereafter unless the contrary is stated, that each nation has
special terms for the relationships of grandfather and grandmother, father and
mother, brother and sister, son and daughter, and grandson and granddaughter ;
and that the fraternal and sororal relationships are in the twofold form of elder and
younger.

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. "With Ego a female, they are my nephew and niece.

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.

Third. My father's brother is my father.

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt.

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister elder
or younger.

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren. This merges the several
collateral lines in the lineal line.1

The other relationships follow as in the Seneca and Yankton, until we come to
that which subsists between the children of a brother and sister, where the prin-
cipal deviation from uniformity in the system of the Ganowanian family occurs, as
has elsewhere been stated. It is very necessary to understand the several forms
of this divergence, since the knowledge will tend to explain some part of the inter-
nal history of the system. It also has a direct bearing upon the question of the
stability of its radical characteristics. Among the Iroquois and Dakota nations
as has been seen, the children of a brother and sister are cousins to each other ;
but among the Missouri nations they are uncle and nephew to each other if males,

1 In the Omaha dialect there are two terms for son and two for daughter, one of which is used by
the males, and the other by the females. It is probable that there are two sets of terms in the other
Missouri dialects, although I did not discover them. She-me-she-ga in Kaw signifies my girl. It
is formed differently from the corresponding term in the other Missouri dialects, e. g., Kaw,
He-she' -g&, my son ; She-me'-she-ga, my daughter ; Osage, We-she'-ka, my son ; We-shon'-kii, my
daughter, which is analogous to the Yankton ; Me-chink'-she, Me-choonk'-she, and the Winnebago,
E-neke', E-nook'. Where a term originally in common gender takes on a masculine and feminine
form, the latter retains the original form.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 179

and mother and daughter if females. When run out in detail the relationships
are as follows : —

My father's sister is my aunt, Be-je'-me ; her son and daughter are my nephew
and niece, Be-chose'-ka and Be-clie' -zlio, each of them calling me uncle ; and their
children are each my grandchild, Be-chose'-pd, each of them calling me grandfather,
Be-che'-go. With Ego a female, my father's sister's son and daughter are my son
and daughter, Be-she'-gci and /She-me'-she-gd, each of them calling me mother ; and
their children are my grandchildren, each of them calling me grandmother.

My mother's brother is my uncle, Be-ja'-ga, and calls me nephew; his son is my
uncle again, and calls me nephew ; and his descendants in the male line are severally
my uncles, theoretically, in an infinite series.1 My mother's brother's daughter is
my mother E'-naw, and calls me her son ; the son and daughter of this mother are
my brother and sister, elder or younger according to our relative ages, and they
address me by the correlative terms. The son and daughter of this collateral
brother are my son and daughter ; of this collateral sister my nephew and niece ;
and the children of each are my grandchildren. With Ego a female these rela-
tionships are the same, except that those who are sons and daughters are changed
to nephews and nieces, and those who are the latter are changed to the former.

A mother's brother and his lineal male descendants are thus placed in a superior
relationship over her children with the authority the avunculine relationship implies
in Indian society. In its practical application the infant becomes the uncle of the
centenarian.

The terms of relationship in the eight dialects of the Missouri nations are, for
the most part, the same words under dialectical changes ; and, inasmuch as the
system of the several nations is identical, it follows that both the terms and the
system were derived by each nation from the common source of the language. The
system can also claim an antiquity coeval with the period when these nations were
a single people. It has also been, made evident that the system of the Missouri,
the Dakota, and the Iroquois nations is identical.

With respect to the relationship of cousin, it will become more and more appa-
rent, as the investigation progresses, that it was unknown in the primitive system
of the Ganowanian family. It seems to have been developed at a later day, by the
more advanced nations, to remove a blemish in the system and to improve its sym-
metry. All the nations which have advanced to a knowledge of this relationship
have restricted it in every instance, to the children of a brother and sister ; thus
showing, as we have previously seen in the system of the Aryan family, that if it

1 Of the actual existence and daily recognition of these relationships, as stated, novel as they are,
there is no doubt whatever. I first discovered this deviation from the typical form while working out
the system of the Kaws in Kansas in 1859. The Kaw chief from whom I obtained it, through a
perfectly competent interpreter, insisted upon the verity of these relationships against all doubts and
questionings ; and when the work was done I found it proved itself through the correlative relation-
ships. Afterwards in 1860, while at the Iowa reservation in Nebraska, I had an opportunity to test
it fully, both in Iowa and Otoe, through White Cloud a native Iowa well versed in English. While
discussing these relationships he pointed out a boy near us, and remarked that he was his uncle, and
the son of his mother's brother who was also his uncle.

180 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

was developed at all, the direction of the advance was predetermined by the ele-
ments of the system. In other words, it is under the absolute control, like other
domestic institutions, of the primary ideas upon which it is founded. Whilst it
cannot be changed by the arbitrary introduction of new elements from without, it
may be advanced by development from within, in which case it must move in
logical accordance with the principles of the system. What the original form, as
to these relationships, may have been, it is extremely difficult to determine. There
are four different methods of disposing of them found among the Ganowanian
nations ; by the first the children of a brother and sister are cousin and cousin ; by
the second uncle and nephew when males, and mother and daughter when females ;
by the third, son and father when males, and granddaughter and grandmother
when females ; and of the fourth, brother and sister. The first appears to be an
advance, and the last a lapse, from the primitive system. At present the choice
lies between the second and third. It is also an interesting fact that the first,
second, and fourth forms are found among the Algonkin nations. These deviations
from uniformity have an important bearing upon the question of the order of the
separation from each other of nations speaking independent stock languages.

3. Winnebagoes. When discovered this nation was established at the head of
Green Bay, and around Winnebago Lake, in the present state of Wisconsin, sur-
rounded . by Algonkin populations. They are the Puants of the early French
explorers. In 1840 they were removed by the national government to a tract of
land assigned to them in Iowa, and in 1846 they were again removed to their
present reservation on Long Prairie River in the State of Minnesota. The first
census, taken in 1842, showed their numbers to be something over two thousand.

It has long been known that the Winnebago dialect belonged to the Dakotan
speech; but the variation was so "marked as to leave it in a state of isolation.
When compared with the dialects of the Missouri nations it will be seen that it
affiliates with them more closely than with the Dakota proper. Their ethnic posi-
tion is near the latter nations. They call themselves Ho-chun- gd-rd, the significa-
tion of which is lost.

The Winnebago system of relationship follows that of the Kaws so closely that
it will be unnecessary to present it specially. It has all of the indicative features
of the common system, and agrees with the Kaw in the greater part of its subor-
dinate details. It is noticeable, also, that it agrees with that of the Missouri
nations in placing the children of a brother and sister in the relationships of uncle
and nephew and mother and daughter ; thus tending to show that the Winneba-
goes became detached from the parent stem while that form prevailed. It is also
inferrible from their dialect that they are one of the oldest branches of the Dakotan
stem.1

1 Independently of the relationships given in the Table, and of the names borne by individuals,
there is a series of terms applied to the first five sons in the order of their birth, and another to the
first five daughters. These special designations are used by the Dakota nations, and doubtless by
Btill other nations ; but they appear to be names expressive of the order of birth, as first and second

OF TUE HUMAN FAMILY. 181

4. Mandans. The Mandans have been brought into more prominent and
favorable notice than any other Indian nation of the interior. The accounts of
Lewis and Clark, who spent the winter of 1804-1805 at their principal village;
of Catlin, who resided for several months in the year 1832, in the same village ;
and of Prince Maximilian, who visited the place in 1833, have furnished a larger
amount of information concerning this nation than has been given of any other
upon the Missouri lliver. When first discovered they were agricultural, and Vil-
lage Indians. Their advanced condition in resources and intelligence is to be
ascribed to their stationary life, and to their agricultural habits. The change from
a roving life in the tent to permanency in large communities, and from fish and
game to bread in connection with animal food produces a marked improvement in
the social condition of any Indian nation. It also affords a better opportunity to
witness their domestic life, from which, as a stand point, they should be judged.
This has rarely been the combination of circumstances under which our knowledge
of the American Indians has been acquired. The highly favorable representations
of Lewis and Clark, Catlin, and Maximilian are due, in some measure, to their
unusual opportunities for observation.

It is questionable whether the Mandans originated the partial civilization of
which they were found possessed. There are strong reasons for believing that
they obtained both their knowledge of agriculture and of house building from the
Minnitarees, a people who migrated to the Upper Missouri after the Mandans had
become established in the same region, and of whom the early accounts are not less
favorable than of the Mandans themselves. Both of these nations constructed a
house of a peculiar mode, usually called the " Dirt Lodge," although this designa-
tion fails to express the advance which it represents in the architecture of the
Ganowanian family. It was a house on the communal principle, thoroughly con-
structed with a timber frame, commodious in size, and extremely neat and com-
fortable.1 It is a question of some interest from what source this house, and agri-
culture, found their way to the Upper Missouri.

born, and so on, rather than terms of relationship. In Winnebagoe and Isauntie Dakota they are as
follows : —

Winnebagoe. Isauntie Dakota. Winnebagoe. Isanntie Dakota.

First son, Koo-no'-ka. Chii-was'-ka. First daughter, E-noo'-ka. We-no'ka.

Second " Ha-na'-kii. Ha-pan'-na. Second " Wa-huu'-ka. Ha'-pan.

Third " Ha-ka'-ka. Ha-pe'-na. Third " Ah-kse-a'-ka. Ha'-pes-ten-na.

Fourth " Na-kh-e'-ka. Cha-na'-tan. Fourth " E-nuk-ha'ka. Wan'-ska.

Fifth " Na-kh-a-kh-o'-no-ka. Ha-ka'. Fifth " Ah-kse-ga-ho'-no-ka. We-ha'-ka.

1 In 1862 I visited the ruins of the Mandan village above referred to. It was abandoned by them
in 1838, after the visitation of the pestilence which nearly depopulated the village. The Arickarees
soon after occupied it, and held possession until the spring of 1862, when the'inroads of the Dakotas
forced them to abandon it in turn. It contained the remains of about forty houses, most of them
polygonal in form, and about forty feet in diameter. The village was situated upon a bluff about
fifty feet high at a bend in the Missouri River, which afforded a site of much natural beauty. Some
miles above, on the opposite or east side of the river, we found the present Mandan and Minnitaree
village, which they occupy together. The situation is upon a similar bluff at a bend, and the houses
are constructed upon the same model. Both the old and the new village were stockaded. The
Mandans, who now number but two hundred and fifty souls, were estimated by Lewis and Clarke

182

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

The dialects of the Dakota and Missouri nations, and of the Winnebagoes and
Mandans, all belong to the same stock language. A sufficient number of vocables
are common to render this certain upon bare inspection. At the same time the
Minnitaree and Crow dialects contain a large number of words for common objects
which are found in the dialects of the former nations. The connection of the
latter nations with the Mandans, which is known to have been intimate for more
than two hundred years, might explain the presence of some of these words in the
Minnitaree and Crow dialects, particularly the words for the numerals ; but the
number of vocables for common objects renders it extremely probable, not to say
certain, that all of these dialects belong to the same stock language. The sub-
joined comparative vocabulary, taken in connection with the terms of relationship
in the Table, shows the degree of the correspondence in a list of forty ordinary
words.1 It also discloses a sensible family resemblance between these dialects and
those of the Gulf nations, with the excaption of the Cherokee.

(1 804-1805) at three hundred and fifty fighting men, which would give a total of about eighteen hun-
dred (Travels, London edition, 1814, p. 96), and by Catlin in 1832 at two thousand. (North Ameri-
can Indians, I, 287.) In their personal appearance they are still among the best specimens of the
American Indian.

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.

Manclan.

(Morgan.)

Kaw.
(Morgan.)

Otoe.

(Morgan.)

Isauntie- Dakota.
(Riggs, Lex.)

Winnebagoes.
(Gallatin's vocabulary.)

1

Father,

Ta-tay'

E-da'-je

Hin'-ka

At-tay'

E-in-cha'

2

Mother,

Na-a'

E'-naw

He'-nah

E-nah'

E-oo-ne'

3

Head,

Pan

Be-a'-ha-be

Na'-to

Pa

Na-sah-ha

4

Hair,

Pa-he'

Pa-hu'-ya

Na'-too

Hin

5

Eye,

In-sta'

Eshe-ta'

Ish'-ta

is-ta

Ish-chah-suh-hii

6

Nose,

Pii'-ho

Pa'-shee-sha

Pa

Po'-ga

Pii-ha

7

Ear,

Na-go'-he

Ha'-yu-ja

Na'-twa

No'-ga

N;i-cha-wa-ha

8

Mouth,

E'-lia

E'-ha

E'-ha

We-cha'-e

Ee-ha

9

Arm,

Ah'-le

Ah-le'-ta

Ah-krii'-cha

We'-pa

10

Foot,

Shee

See

The

Si-ha'

See-hii

11

Heart,

Not'-ka

No'-ja

Na'-che

Chan-te

12

Tobacco,

Ma-na'-she

Na'-ne

Da-ri'-ye

Chan-di'

[ha (sun)

13

Sun,

Me'-na-ke

Me'-yo-ha

Pee

An-pa-tii-we

Hau nip (day), wee-

14

Moon,

Me'-na-ke

Me'-yo-ba

Pee'-ta

Han-ya'-tu-we

Hil-iiip (night), wee

15

Star,

Ha-kii'-ka

Me-ka'-ga

Pe-kii-ka

Wi-chan'-h'pe'

Kohsh-keh [hii(sun)

16

Day,

Hiim'-pa

Ha'-ome-pa •

Ah'-wa

An-pii'-tu

Haum-pee-ha

17

Night,

Ese-tu-sha

Ha-uope'-pa-sa

Ah'-ha

Han-ye'-tu

18

Fire,

Wii'-la-la

Pai'-ye

Pe'-ta

Ped-gha

19

Water,

Ma-ne'

Ne

Knu

Me-ne'

Ni-hii

20

Ice,

Ho'-lee

No'-ha

No'-ka

Cha'-ga

£1

Snow,

Ma'-lra

Ba

Pow

Wa

Wa-ha

22

Black,

Pse

Sa'-bii

Ska

Sii'-pa

Seb-ha

23

White,

Shote'-ho

Ska

Tha'-wa

Ska

Ska

24

Red,

Sa-zhe

Shu'-ja

Soo'-che

Shii

Shoosh

25

Yellow,

See'-ro

Se'-ha

Che

Ze

26

Blue,

Toh'-ho

To'-ho

To-ho'-ja

To

27

Green,

Ton-

Ma-he'-a-go

To

To

28

Moccasin,

Hom'-pa

Ah'-kooch

Han'-pa

29

Beaver,

WS'-la-pe

Pa-kuli'-tha

Cha'-pa

Nii-a-pa

30

Buffalo,

Ba-ro'-ka

Cha-do'-ga

Cha

Zii-tan'-ka

31

Pigeon,

Eu-ete'-ta

Lute'-ja

Wil-ki'-ya-dnn

32

Arrow,

Ma'-he

Ma

Ma

Wiin-henk'-pe

33

One,

Ma'-han-na

Me-ikh'-je

E'-yunk

Wari-the

Jun-ki-ha

34

Two,

Nope

No'-bii

No'-w~a

Non'pa

Nora-pi-wi

35

Three,

Na'-min-ne

Ya'-bar-le

Ta'-nye

Yani'-ne

Tii-ni-wi

36

Four,

Tope

To'-ba

To'-weh

To'-pa

Tsho-pi-wi

37

Five,

Ke'-ho

Sa'-tun

Tha'-ta

Zap'-tan

Sa-tsha

38

Six,

Kee'-na

Shak'-pe

Shii'-pwa

Shnk'-pe

Ah-ke-we

39

Seven,

Koo'-pa

Pa'-yo-ba

Shii'-niii

Slia'-ko-win

Shil-ko

40

Eight,

Ta-to-ke

Pa'-yii-ba-da

Gitl-rii'-peii-ue

Sha-do'-gan

A-oo-ougk

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY.

183

When the Minnitarees reached the Upper Missouri they found the Mandans,
as the traditions of the latter affirm, in the possession of the country ; and they
were allowed to take up their residence apart, but near them, on the river as a
friendly people. Although the Mandan tradition asserts that the Minnitarees
" came out of the water to the east," it seems highly probable that they were
originally from the region of the Gulf of Mexico, and that they are one of the
connecting links between the Choctas and Creeks, and the Dakota nations.
There is some evidence in their respective systems of relationship tending to the
same conclusion. On the other hand, the Mandans were not intrusive, but estab-
lished on the north of their nearest congeners, the Dakota and Missouri nations.
They had been forced in later years by the hostility of the Dakotas further up the
river, as the remains of their old villages, still to be seen, as well as their own
accounts attest. The Mandans now call themselves Me-too'-ta-hak, " South Vil-
lages," which implies their displacement from a more southern location. They
could have learned neither agriculture nor house building from the Dakotas, as
the latter knew nothing of cultivation, or of house architecture ; nor yet of the

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY.

Minnitaree.
(Morgan.)

Crow.
(Morgan.)

Chocta.

(Byington.)

Creek.
(Casey.)

Chernkee.
(Morgan.)

Wyandote.
(Morgan.)

1

Father,

Ta-ta'

Ah--ha'

A'-ki

Chuhl'-ke

A-do'-da

Hi-ese'-ta

2

Mother,

Ih'-kii

E'-kee-a

Ush'-ki

Chutch-ke'

A-tse'

Na-uh'

3

Head,

Ahk-too'

Ah-.siiu'-a

Nish-ko-bo

Ik-ah

Tse-sko'-le

Sku-ta

4

Hair,

Ah-ra'

E-she'-a

Pa-shi

E-ka'-is-see

Ge-t'la

A-ru'-sha

5

Kye,

Ish-tii'

Is-ta'

Ash-kin

Tothl'-wa

Tse-ga-to'-lih

6

Nose,

Ah-pa'

Bii-de-a

I-bi-shak-ni

U-po'

Go-ya-so'-lih

Yone'-geh

7

Ear,

Ah-pitsh'

Ah'-pa

Hak-so-bish

Hats-ko'

Tse-la'-ue

Ah-ho'-ta

8

Mouth,

Ee

E'-ah

I'-tih

Chok-wa'

Tse-di-lih

A-ska'-rent

9

Arm,

Ar-ra'

Ah'-ra

Shak'-ba

Sak'-pa

Tse-no-ga'-nee

A-zha-sha

10

Foot,

E-che'

Ih'-cha

i-yi

E'-le

Da'-tse-na-sa-

A-she'-ta

da'-ih

11

Heart,

Na-ta'

Na-sa

Chnh'-kush

Fay'-kee

Ah-ge-no-wih

Tone-ta'-shra

12

Tobacco,

Oh-pe

O'-pa

Hak-chu'-ina

Hee'-che

Tso'.la

13

Sun,

Mii-pa'-we-re

Ah'-h-ka-zha

Hu'-ahi

Has '-see

Nan' doh

Yan-de'-sha

14

Moon,

Ma-ko'-we-re

Miu-ue-ta'-cha

Hush-ni'-nak-

Has'-see

Nan-doh'. Sa-

Wa-sun-ta-yeh

a-ya

no'-yih-a-heh

yan-de'-shil

15

Star,

0-ka'

E-ka'

Fi-chik

Ko-tso-tsum-pi

Noh'-kwe'-se

1(J

Day,

Mii'-pih

Ma'-pa

Ni'-tak

Nit-ta'

K'-ga

Met-ta'-yeh

17

Night,

Ch-k'-che

O'-uhe-a

Ni-nak

Nith-le'

Sa-no-yeh

Wa-suu-ta'-

18

Fire,

Be-dii'

Be-da'

Lu'-ak

Tate'-ka

Ah-des'-luh

[yeh

19

Water,

Min-ne'

Me-na'

O'-ka

Ne'-wa

Um'-ma

Sa-nuse'-te

20

Ice,

Bii-ro'-h-e

Boo-roo'-h/a

Ok'-ti

He'-to-tee

O-nase'-ta-la

Oan - un - de'-

21

Snow,

Mil'-pe

Be'-pa

Ok-tu'-sha

He-to-te-thlok-

Goo-te'-ah

De-ne-ta' fsha

22

Black,

She-pish'-sha

Che-pa'-sha

Lu'-sa

Lus-tee [lai-ye

Ga-h'na'-ya-hi

Te-hese'-ta-ya

23

White,

Ah-ta'-ke

Che'-a-ka-te

Tolr'-bi

Hat-kee

Oo-na'-ga

De-ne~yit'

24

Red,

Ish'-she

Hish'-sha

Hom'-ma

Isa-tse

Ge-ga-ga'-ih

Me-ta'-ya

25

Yellow,

She-re

She-re-ka'-ta

Lak-na

La-me

Da-lo'-nih

Kan-ya'-tU-ya

2(i

Blue,

Toh --he

Shu'-a-ka-ta

Ok-cha-ma'-li

Ok-ko-la-tee

Sa-ko'-ne-ga

Roan-ya

27

Green,

Ka-to'-gh'e-ka

Me-nis'-ta

Ok-cha'-ko

Pa-he-lil-nee

E-dsa'-ih

Ze-in-gwa'-ra

28

Moccasin,

Mii-ta-pa'

Hoom-pa'

Shu'-lush

Ist'-clee-'pi-ka

Ah-ra'-shu

29

Beaver,

We-ra'-pa

Be-rup'-pa

Kin'-ta

Its-has'-wa

Do'-ya

Tsu-ti'-e

30

Buffalo,

Ke'-rup-pe

Che'-rup-pa

Yii'-nftsh

Ya-no-sa

Yan'tsa

31

Pigeon,

[-sha

Main -pit'- tse-sa

Pu-chi

Pa-uhy [voc.)

Ah-dsa'-te

32

Arrow,

Bed-S-roo'-che

Ah-no'-a-ta

Os-ke-no-ke

Khl-li(Gallatin

Gan'-na

Oon-da'

33

One,

Ne-wat'-za

Ah-iimt'-tuk

A-chu'-fa

Hom-ma-ye

Sa-gws"

Scot

34

Two,

Doo'-putz

No'-puk

Tuk'-lo

Hok-k'o

Ta-iih'

Ten'-de

35

Three,

Na'-wetz

Nii'-ma

Tu-chi'-na

Tot-cheh

Tso'-ih

Shaik

3D

Four,

To'-putz

Sho'-puk

Ush-ta

Os-teh

Nuk'-ee

I)aak

37

Five,

Kii-hotz' Chnh-liook'

Ta-hla-pi

Chahg-kie

His-ke

Wish

38

Six,

Ah-ka'-wutz

Ah-ka'-muk

Ha-na-li

Eb-bah

Soo-da'-le

Wa-zuh'

39

Seven,

Sha'-po-utz

Sa'-poo-uk

Un-tuk-lo

Koo-lo-ba

Guh'1-guo-ge

Ze-tii'-re

40

Eight,

Na'-pa-pitz

No pa'-pa

Un-tu chi-na

Chin-na-ba

Tso-na'-la

Ah-ter'-re

184 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

Missouri nations, for neither of these were agricultural, except the Quappas, at
the mouth of the Arkansas, more than fifteen hundred miles below them ; and
possibly the Osages, who were south of the mouth of the Missouri. At a later
period the Omahas and lowas occasionally constructed houses upon the Mandan
and Minnitaree model ;* but they were never Village Indians in any proper sense.
Finally, we must either suppose that the Minnitarees carried both agriculture and
the art of constructing a timber framed house to the Upper Missouri, and taught
them to the Mandans, or that the latter formerly resided as far south as the
Arkansas. The former is the most probable.

The Mandan language is not accessible except for the most ordinary purposes.
When I visited the Mandan village there was but one person there who spoke both
Mandan and English. This was a half-blood Mandan, Joseph Kipp, a son of
the well-known interpreter James Kipp, to whom Catlin was indebted for his
means of communication with this people. I had no difficulty in procuring a
vocabulary ; but found it impossible to obtain their system of relationship complete.
The Mandans have very generally learned the Minnitaree language, as they now
live together, and the traders and trappers have done the same ; but neither the
one nor the other has learned the Mandan. For reasons beyond my control I
was unable to reach the Mandan through the Minnitaree. Enough, however, of
their system of relationship was obtained to establish the identity of its radical
characteristics with those of the common system.

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same. This last is a devia-
tion from the usual form. It shows that females have no aunt, the father's sister
being a mother. In this respect it agrees with the Cayuga and Mohawk, and also
with the Chocta and Creek.

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
Mr. Kipp was unable to recall the terms for these relationships, although assured
of their existence in the language, which was also confirmed by the presence of the
correlative uncle. With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.

Third. My father's brother is my father.

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger. There is a double set of terms for these relationships, and probably
some inaccuracy in their use as given in the Table, since they make elder and
younger sister the same.

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ego being a male ; but my mother, Ego
being a female.

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.

1 This fact was communicated to the author by Rev. S. M. Irwin, who for the last thirty years
has been a missionary among the Omahas and lowas in Nebraska.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 185

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, are my grandchildren.

The relationship which subsisted between the children of a brother and sister I
was unable to ascertain. There can be no doubt whatever of the identity of the
Mandan form with those previously presented, although its details are incomplete.

5. Minnitarees, and Upsarokas or Crows. These nations are immediate sub-
divisions of the same people. When they first appeared on the Upper Missouri
they were, according to the Mandan tradition, agricultural and Village Indians.
They were found by Lewis and Clarke living in Villages on Knife Kiver, near their
present town. These explorers furnish the following account 'of the original
separation from each other. " The Mandans say that this people came out of the
water to the east, and settled near them in their former establishments in nine
villages ; that they were very numerous, and fixed themselves in one village on the
south side of the Missouri. A quarrel about a buffalo divided the nation, of which
two bands went into the plains, and were known by the name of Crow and Paunch
Indians, and the rest removed to their present establishment."1 On the contrary,
the Minnitarees now clain to be autochthones, a very common conceit among
Indian nations, although the name by which they still distinguish themselves as a
nation, E-nat'-za, signifying " people who came from afar," expressly contradicts
the assertion. This claim, however, may be received as some evidence of a long
continued occupation of this particular area. Indian nations usually retain a tradi-
tion of their last principal migration, and when that has faded from remembrance
the aiitochthonic claim is often advanced. If we adopt the Mandan tradition, as
to the first appearance of the Minnitarees upon the Upper Missouri, they have re-
mained during the intervening period Village Indians, and residents upon, and near
this river ; but the Crows changed their mode of life from the village to the camp,
and from an agricultural basis of subsistence, to the products of the chase. They
advanced northward by routes now unknown, until a part of them reached the
south branch of the Siskatchewun River, more than fifteen hundred miles north of
the present Minnitaree area. Their range was between the Siskatchewun and the
Missouri. One of the tribes of the Crows resided along the Bear's Paw Mountain, in
what is now the Blackfoot Country, near the base of the Rocky Mountain chain.
The name Slup-tet' -za, which this tribe still bears, signifying " Bear's PaAV Moun-
tain,"2 commemorates the fact. The Crows have a distinct and well-preserved
tradition, which was communicated to the author by Robert Meldrum (the highest
authority in the language and domestic history of this nation), that while they
resided around this mountain, the Shoshonee or Snake Indians were in possession
of the present Crow Country upon the Yellowstone River ; and the Comanches, now
of Western Texas, then occupied the present Shoshonee area west of the Moun-

1 Lewis and Clarke's Travels, &c., p. 96.

2 This beautiful mountain range rises out of the plains about fifty miles east of the Falls of the
Missouri, and stretches from near the Missouri to Milk River. Its highest peaks are about twenty-
five hundred feet high. Although quite near the foot of the Rocky Mountains, it is entirely
detached, and forms a conspicuous and striking object in the landscape of the prairie.

24 February, 1870.

186 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

tains, upon the south branch of the Columbia River. If we may adopt this tradi-
tion, the truth of which is not improbable, it suggests the probability that the
separation of the Crows from the Minnitarees antedates the conquest of Mexico.
In the course of events the Crows have again become territorial neighbors to their
former brethren.

The dialects of the two nations are not yet sufficiently changed to prevent them
from conversing with each other, although it is attended with considerable diffi-
culty. The amount of change is about the same, or perhaps greater, than the
divergence of the Wyandote from the Iroquois after a separation, in the latter case
of at least four centuries. If these dates could be authenticated absolutely, they
would afford some criterion, now greatly desired, for determining the degree of
rapidity or sloAvness with which the dialects of unwritten languages depart from
each other.1

1 At different times and places I have endeavored to obtain facts bearing upon this question,
where the means of observation of particular persons, in the Indian Country, had been favorable.
The results of the investigation have not furnished a basis upon which any general rule may be
grounded, but they may serve in some measure to illustrate the subject. The testimony of Robert
Meldrum, above mentioned, is to the point concerning the Crow language. In the year 182t, he
became identified with this nation by adoption and marriage, and in 1830 he was raised to the rank
of a chief. Although one of the traders of the American Fur Company, he joined the Crows in
their military adventures, shared their hardships, and became in every respect one of their number.
During the entire period from 1827 to 1862, when I met him at the mouth of the Yellowstone, he
had resided in the Crow Country, but without losing his connection with the Company, first as a
trader, and afterwards as one of the factors in charge of different posts. He had mastered the lan-
guage in its entire range, thought in it, held his knowledge in it, performed his mental labor in it,
and, as he affirmed, could speak the language better than his native tongue. His observations were
as follows : that the Crow and Minnitaree had not widened much in the last thirty-five years ; that
many of the words of the Minnitaree dialect he did not understand ; but of most of them he could
catch the meaning; that the first noticeable change was in the loss of a syllable, and sometimes of
half of a word ; that the principal element of change was the addition of new words with the pro-
gress of their knowledge or wants ; that this had been particularly the case since their intercourse
with the whites commenced ; that the old words stood well, but the new ones made for the occasion
fluctuated, and might or might not become permanently adopted ; that he had himself added quite a
number to the Crow language (Ah-ha'-sha below is a specimen), that the new words were developed
from radicals in the language, and were usually significant, while the etymological signification of
the bulk of the old words was lost, e. g.

Corn, H6-ha-she, meaning lost, Coffee, Min-ne-she-pit'-ta, Black water.

Bean, Ah-ma'-sa, " " Sugar, Bat-see-koo'-a, Sweet.

Squash, Ho'-ko-ina " " Tea, Ma-na'-pa, Leaves of bushes.

Tobacco, O'-pa " " Watch, Ah-ha'-sha, Follows the sun.

That the new words were not limited to new objects brought to their attention by American inter-
course, but followed the extension of their own knowledge and wants ; that the gutturals when mas-
tered so far from being objectionable were a source of pleasure in the use of the speech ; and finally
that the Crow was a noble language. He further observed that the Minnitarees could adopt and
speak the Crow dialect with much more facility than the Crows could the former ; that when he
wished to converse with a Minnitaree he induced the latter to talk poor Crow, rather than attempt
himself to speak poor Minnitaree ; and finally that the amount of dialectical variation was such that

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 187

It seems probable that five centuries would be insufficient to render dialects of the
same language incapable of being understood colloquially by the two peoples ; and
that twice or thrice that length of time would not destroy all trace of identity in the
vocables for common objects. This is as much, perhaps, as can be safely suggested.
There is one important fact, with reference to the American Indian languages,
which should not be overlooked, tending to show that change would be more rapid,
comparatively, among them, than in other verbal languages. In no part of the
earth, not excepting the islands of the Pacific, are dialects and even stock lan-
guages intrusted for their preservation to such a small number of people. The
Mandan, for example, which for colloquial purposes is an independent speech, is
now in the exclusive keeping of two hundred and fifty persons ; and so the Munsee,
which is one of the oldest forms of the Algonkin, is in the custody of about two
hundred persons. The Iroquois, which is a stock language, and now spoken in
seven dialects, including the Wyandote, is dependent for its preservation, as a
whole, upon less than eight thousand people, and they in widely separated locali-
ties. In like manner, the Pawnee, another stock language, spoken in four dialects,
including the Arickaree and excluding the Hueco, and its immediate cognates, is
in the keeping of about five thousand persons. If we take particular dialects, the
number of people, by whom they are severally spoken, will be found to range from
two hundred persons, which is the minimum, to one thousand which is about the
average, and on to twenty-five thousand, which is the maximum number now
speaking any one so called stock language within the limits of the "United States.
This is the number of the Cherokees, whose language, it is somewhat remarkable,
is contained in but two dialects, the standard and the mountain Cherokees, or the
modern and the ancient. When the people who speak a certain dialect advance
in prosperity and multiply in numbers, the increased intellectual power invariably
expends a portion of its strength upon the language; in the increase of the number
of its vocables, in the advancement of its grammatical forms to a higher stage of
development, and in imparting nerve and tone to the plastic and growing speech.
On the other hand, when the same people meet with reverses, and decline in
numbers and prosperity, their dialect necessarily impoverishes in its vocables, arid
recedes in its strength, although it does not follow that its grammatical forms
must wither. At best these dialects are in a constant flux and oscillation.

There is another consideration which connects itself with the question of the
stability of the American Indian dialects, namely ; to what extent are words propa-
gated by adoption from one language into another1? It is impossible, with our
present knowledge, to answer this question ; but it is not improbable that this and
other equally important problems will ultimately be solved. These languages are
becoming more open, and are growing more accessible each and every year. There

he found it difficult to understand the Minnitaree. Ilia impression"was that the change had been
of slow and gradual growth.

It is not a little singular that the Mandans should learn the Minnitaree, and the Minnitarees the
Crow with comparative ease ; while the reverse is attended with difficulty. Can those who speak
the mother tongue learn a derived dialect with more ease than those who speak the latter can learn
the former, or the reverse ?

188 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

are now persons, especially missionaries, who understand particular languages in
all their range, methods, and structure, and who are competent to present their
minute mechanism. The difficulty with most grammars of Indian languages,
besides their brevity, arises from a method too exclusively analytical, whereas a
synthetical method, if more cumbersome, would be more efficient. We learn
analytically, but teach synthetically. A grammar, therefore, should put together,
as well as resolve a language, and be so complete in both of its processes that the
philologist might learn, if need be, to speak the language from the grammar and
vocabulary. Some modification of the Ollendorif method would be a sensible
improvement upon the usual form of presenting an Indian language. A knowledge
more special than has yet been reached is needed to detect a foreign clement in
an aboriginal language. It is a reasonable supposition that contiguous nations,
and especially such as intermarry and maintain friendly intercourse, are constantly
contributing of their vocables to each other's dialects. The identity of a limited
number of vocables for common objects tends to show a near connection of the
Minnitarees and Upsarokas or Crows with the Missouri and Dakota nations; Avhilst
there are special features in their systems of consanguinity which reveal a more
remote, but not less certain connection with the Gulf Nations.

Their systems of relationship are in agreement with each other in their radical
characteristics. They possess one feature which is anomalous, and another which
deviates from every form yet presented, but which finds its counterpart in the
system of the Gulf nations, and that of the Pawnee or Prairie nations as well.
The Minnitaree will be adopted for presentation.

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my grandchildren. These last
relationships are a deviation from the common form.

Second (wanting). My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my younger
brother and younger sister, Mat-so' -ga and Md-ta-ka'-shd. This remarkable devia-
tion from uniformity is restricted to these two nations, among whom the relation-
ships of uncle and aunt, and nephew and niece, are unknown, their places being
supplied by elder and younger brother, and by elder and younger sister.

Third. My father's brother is my father.

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister elder
or younger. There is a double set of terms for these relationships, one of which
is used by the males, and the other by the females, with the exception of the
terms for younger brother and sister, which are common.1 In this respect the
Minnitaree and Upsaroka agree with the Dakota, Missouri, and Gulf nations.

Fifth (wanting). My father's sister, among the Minnitarees is my grandmother,
Kti-ru' -Jia, and among the Crows my mother, Ik'-Jid.

Sixth (wanting). My mother's brother is my elder brother, and calls me his

1 My elder brother, male speaking, Me-a-ka'. Female speaking, Ma-tii-roo'.

" younger " " " Mat-so'-gtt. " " Mat-so'-ga.

" elder sister, " " Mat-ta-we'-&. " " Ma-roo'.

" younger sister, " " JUa-ta-ka' -shU. " " Ma-ta-ka'-sha.

OF THE HUM Atf FAMILY. 189

younger brother. This is the anomalous relationship in which the system of these
nations differs from that of all the remaining nations of the Ganowanian family.1

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger.

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are, without distinction, my grandchildren.

A third form of the relationship which subsists between the children of a brother
and sister is found among the Minnitarees and Crows. Among the Iroquois and
Dakotas, they are cousins, among the Missouri nations they are uncle and nephew
if males, and mother and daughter if females, as has been shown : but in the sys-
tem now under consideration they are son and father if males, and daughter and
mother if females. This form will reappear in the system of the Gulf and Prairie
nations. When more particularly indicated they are as follows : my father's
sister's son is my father, Ta-ta! ', and calls me his son ; my father's sister's daughter
is my mother, Ih'-lca, and calls me her son ; and reversed, my mother's brother's
son and daughter are my son and daughter; each of them calling me father.

There is a term in Minnitaree for aunt, Ma-sa'-we, applied by a male to his
father's sister; but it is without a correlative, and of uncertain use.

A sufficient number of the radical features of the common system are found in
the Minnitaree and Crow forms to establish beyond a doubt their original identity,
and that it was derived by them from the common source of the system.

III. Gulf Nations.

I. Gulf Nations Proper. 1. Choctiis. 2. Chickasas. 3. Creeks. (4. Seminoles,
not in the Table.) II. Cherokees. 1. Cherokees. 2. Mountain Cherokees.

There were five principal nations east of the Mississippi, occupying the area
between the Gulf of Mexico and the Tennessee River, together with some parts to
the north and east of it, which collectively are here called the Gulf branch of the
Ganowanian family. They were the Choctas and Chickasas, who were immediate
subdivisions of the same people ; the Creeks ; the Seminoles, who were derived
from the Creeks ; and the Cherokees. The latter nation in strictness constitutes
an independent branch of the Dakotan stem upon the basis of language; but their
system of relationship justifies this connection. The dialects of the first two are
closely allied. The Creeks consist of five confederated nations, each having an
independent dialect, namely : the Mus-co'-kees or Creeks proper, the Hit' -che-tees,
the Yoo'-cJiees, the Ah-la-ba' -mas, and the Nat'-cJies. Between the Mus-co'-kee and
Seminole dialects the affinity is close ; but between the former and the Chocta the
dialectical variation is very great. Out of six hundred words in these dialects,

1 There is a trace of this same form among the Blackfeet, but it is not the usual relationship.

190 SYSTEMS OP CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

compared by Mr. Gallatin, there were but ninety-three having some affinity.1 All
of the Creek dialects, however, should be compared with each other, and with the
Chocta and Chickasa, to determine their mutual ethnic relations. As to the
Cherokees, they were the mountaineers of this area, and presumptively the most
ancient in the possession of the country. Like the Iroquois, they appear to have
been an advance band of the Dakotan stock. Their range included the highland
districts between South Carolina and the Mississippi. Up to the present time the
vocables of their language have not been identified with those of any existing
Indian speech. It still holds the rank of a stock language, spoken in two partially
defined dialects, the standard and the mountain Cherokee.

In addition to these nations, the Catawbas inhabited the Gulf region, and also
the Natchez Indians. Remains of the former nation are still found in South Caro-
lina, and of the latter in the Nat-ekes of the Creek confederation. Between the
old Natchez and the Catawba dialects there are some affinities ; but how far the
present Natchez affiliates with the old or with any of the remaining Creek dialects
the writer is unable to state. When perfect vocabularies are obtained and com-
pared, it seems probable that all the original dialects of the Gulf region will be
resolved, at most, into two stock languages, the Creek and the Cherokee.

These nations have been so well known historically from the earliest period
of European intercourse, that it is unnecessary to refer to their general history.
Since their removal to the Indian Territory, west of Arkansas, they have organized
elective civil governments, and have made considerable progress in agriculture and
civilization. They now number collectively seventy-three thousand five hundred.2

In the Table will be found the system of relationship of the Choctas, Chickasas,
Muscokee-Creeks, and Cherokees, which together exhibit with fulness and particu-
larity the plan of consanguinity and affinity of the Gulf nations. The several
forms which prevail among these nations possess the radical forms of the common
system, and also agree with each other in those respects in which they differ from
those before considered. Such discrepancies as exist are confined to subordinate
details. It will be sufficient to present one form, and the Chocta will be taken as
the standard. There are two schedules of the Chocta in the Table, one of which
was furnished by the Rev. Jonathan Edwards and Rev. Dr. Cyrus Byington, and
the other by the Rev. Charles C. Copeland. These veteran missionaries, who have
resided with this people, both in their old and new homes, from thirty to forty
years, were abundantly qualified to investigate and explain this complicated system
to its utmost limits. It was also a fortunate circumstance that this, one of the
most difficult forms of the system, fell into their hands for its elucidation, since the
existence as well as verification of its peculiar features was of some importance.

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are my grandson and granddaughter.
This last is a derivation from the typical form, but it agrees with the Minnitaree.

1 Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, Intro, cxi.

1 Cherokees, 26,000; Creeks, 25,000 ; Seminoles, 1500- Choctas, 16,000; Chickasas, 5000. (School-
craft's Hist. Cond. and Pur. Indian Tribes, I, 523.)

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 191

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.

Third. My father's brother is my father.

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister,
elder or younger.

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, with Ego a male; but my grandmother
with Ego a female. In other words, the female has neither aunt or nephew or
niece. This is also a derivation from the typical form, but it agrees with the Min-
nitaree.

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister, elder
or younger. Among all the Gulf nations there are separate terms, in common
gender, for brother and sister in the abstract, which are applied by males to their
collateral brothers, and by females to their collateral sisters ; but the former use
the full terms for their collateral sisters, and the latter the same for their collateral
brothers. The first-named terms, however, are used concurrently with these for
brother and sister, elder and younger.

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and of my collateral
brothers and sisters, are, severally, my grandchildren.

We come next to the relationship which subsists between the children of a
brother and sister. My father's sister's son is my father, Ali'-lti, whether Ego be
a male or a female ; his son is my father again ; the son of the latter is also my
father; and this relationship, theoretically, continues downward in the male line
indefinitely. The analogue of this is found in the infinite series of uncles among
the Missouri nations, applied to the lineal male descendants of my mother's brother.
My father's sister's daughter, Ego a male, is my aunt, Ah-7mc'-ne, and calls me lier
son ; the son and daughter of this aunt are my brother and sister, elder or younger ;
the son and daughter of this collateral brother are my son and daughter, while
the son and daughter of this collateral sister are my nephew and niece ; and the
children of each and all of them are my grandchildren. With Ego a female, my
father's sister's daughter is my grandmother, Up-puk'-ni; her son and daughter
are my brother and sister, elder and younger ; the children of this collateral brother
are my grandchildren, of this collateral sister are my sons and daughters ; and their
children are my grandchildren. Notwithstanding the complexity of the classification
in this branch of the second collateral line, the method is both simple and coherent.

On the reverse side, my mother's brother's son and daughter are my son and
daughter, whether Ego be a male or a female ; and their children are my grand-
children. In Creek and Cherokee my mother's brother's daughter, Ego being a
female, is my granddaughter. It is probably the same in Chocta, although not so
given in the Table.

The third and fourth collateral lines, male and female, on the father's and on
the mother's side, are counterparts of the second, branch for branch, with the
exception of additional ancestors.

192 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

There are some discrepancies in the forms of the four Gulf nations, which it is
unnecessary to trace. In a system so elaborate and complicated, absolute agree-
ment in minute details would not be expected. Whatever is fundamental in the
common system is found in the most unmistakable manner in the Chocta form.
Its identity with the Seneca or typical system is undoubted ; and we are again led
to the same inference found in the previous cases, that it was derived by these
nations, with the blood, from the same common original source.

II. Cherokee. The Cherokee system of relationship, in its two forms, agrees
so fully with that last presented, that it is unnecessary to consider it separately.
There are some general observations, however, upon this and other Indian lan-
guages, and upon the bearing of the deviations from uniformity in their systems of
relationship upon the question of their near or remote ethnic affiliations, which
may be made in this connection. In grammatical structure all of the Ganowanian,
languages are believed to agree. But our knowledge concerning them is neither
sufficiently extensive nor minute to raise these languages to the rank of a family of
languages in the sense of the Aryan and Semitic upon the basis of ascertained lingu-
istic affinities. Very few of the whole number comparatively have been studied. No
common standards of evidence upon which particular dialects shall be admitted into
the family, or rejected from the connection, have been adopted. They have been
reduced with tolerable accuracy to a number of stock languages upon the basis of
identity of vocables ; but the basis and principles upon which these stock languages
shall be united into a family of languages remain to be determined. These dia-
lects and languages have passed through a remarkable experience from the vast
dimensions of the areas over which they have spread. By that inexorable law
which adjusts numbers to subsistence in given areas, the Ganowanian family has
been perpetually disintegrated, through all of its branches, at every stage of increase
of numbers above this ratio. In the progress of ages they have been scattered, in
feeble bands, over two entire continents, to the repression and waste of their intel-
lectual powers, and to the sacrifice of all the advantages that flow from civil and
social organization in combination with numbers. Every subdivision, when it
became permanent, resulted in the formation of a new dialect, which was intrusted
to the keeping of a small number of people. Although nations speaking dialects
of the same stock language have in general maintained a continuity of territorial
possession, it was impossible to prevent subdivision, displacement, and overthrow in
the course of ages ; so that the end of each thousand years would probably find no
stock language in the same geographical location. As a result of these subdivisions
and its train of influences, these languages have been in a perpetual flux. The
advance and decline of nations, the development and impoverishment of particular
dialects, the propagation of words from one dialect into another by intermarriage,
and by the absorption into one nation of the broken fragments of another, have
contributed, with other causes not named, to the diversities which now exist.
Their system of relationship, however, has survived the mutations of language, and
still delivers a clear and decisive testimony concerning the blood affinity of all
these nations. It is not at all improbable that it will be found a more efficient
as well as compendious instrument, for demonstrating their original unity, than
the grammatical structure of their dialects could that be comprehensively ascer-

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 193

tained. If identity of system proves unity of origin, all of the Indian nations
thus far named are of one blood. In addition to this general conclusion some
evidence may be gained through the deviations from uniformity which it con-
tains concerning the order of separation of these stock languages from each
other or from the parent stem.

It has been seen from the comparative vocabulary, supra, that the Crow and
Minnitaree dialects contain a number of words for common objects which are
also found in the Mandan, the Dakota, and the Missouri dialects. A comparison
of two hundred words, in unpublished vocabularies of the author, shows about
twenty per centum which are common between the Minnitaree and Crow, and one
or more of the remaining dialects. In the terms of relationship, which are words
of a higher class, the percentage is less. This agreement, however, is perhaps
sufficient to justify the classification of all these dialects in the same stock lan-
guage. On the other hand, there are striking peculiarities in the system of rela-
tionship of the first two nations which are not found in that of the remaining
nations, but which reappear in the system of the Gulf and Prairie nations. It is
found in the relationship between the children of a brother and sister, which, as a
variable, is not a radical portion of the system. Where nations of immediate blood
affinity, as the Dakota and Missouri nations, are found to differ among themselves
upon these relationships, it would be certain that one or the other had modified
their system in this respect ; and if one, then both may have done the same. It
becomes necessary, then, to compare these forms and ascertain which is the highest
and most perfect; and when that fact is determined, the inference arises that
the rudest and least perfect is the oldest form. Among the Dakota they are
cousin and cousin, among the Winnebagoes and Missouri nations they are uncle
and nephew if males, and mother and daughter, if females. There can be no doubt
that the former is the most perfect form, and that of the two the latter as the
rudest is nearest to the primitive. The inference, therefore, is unavoidable, that
the Dakota nations modified their system in this respect. If we now compare the
oldest of the two forms with that which now prevails among the Minnitarees,
Crows, Creeks, Choctas, Chickasas and Cherokees, and also with that of the Prairie
nations, not yet presented, it will be seen that the form of the latter is ruder still,
and presumptively older than either. They are son and father if males, and grand-
daughter and grandmother if females. If this conclusion is well taken, it will
follow that it was the original form, as to those relationships which prevailed in
the parent nation from which these several stocks or branches were mediately or
immediately derived, and that all of them, except the Mandan, the Winnebago,
the Dakota and the Missouri nations have retained it until the present time.
And finally that the excepted nations modified it from the first or original to the
second form, after which it was raised to the third and most perfect by the Dakota
and Hodenosaunian nations alone, in this stem of the Ganowanian family. A
critical examination of all the forms of the system of relationship will show that
its development is under the control of principles within itself; and that the direc-
tion of the change when attempted, was predetermined by the elements of the
system. We are yet to meet the second and third forms, as to these relationships,

25 March, 1870.

194

SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

in the system of the Algonkin nations. It likewise follows, as a further inference
that the Minnitaree, Crow, Mandan, Winnebagoe and Missouri nations may have
been derived mediately or immediately from a single nation ; that the Gulf and
Prairie nations may each have been derived from a single nation ; and that the
three original nations may have sprung from a common stem-people still further
back. In this manner the evidence from special features contained in the system
is reconciled with the evidence from identity of vocables in the dialects first-named ;
leaving it probable that the Minnitarees and Crows form the nearest connecting
link between the nations of the Gulf, and those upon the Missouri.

In this connection, attention may be directed to the dialects thus far named,
taken collectively, as they appear in the Table. The people are classified together
as belonging to the Dakotan stem. There is such a thing in the Ganowanian
dialects as contrast and similarity in vocables ; as excessive deviation and family
resemblance; and as ancient and modern separation of stock languages. It can be
detected and traced long after the vocables themselves have lost their identity.
From first to last, among the great branches thus far considered, the terms of rela-
tionship have a family cast ; a tendency, so to express it, to reveal their identity,
although deeply concealed ; a certain similarity of aspect which arrests attention
while it baffles the scrutiny thereby invited. On the other hand, the same terms
in the Algonkin dialects, when compared, are in sharp contrast. They wear an
unfamiliar appearance, expressive of long-continued separation. The change has
become so excessive as to repel the supposition of their identity within a compara-
tively modern period, or that they could have been spoken in the same household
for many ages. The following terms will illustrate the similarity to which reference
has been made: —

Seneca.

Wyaudote.

Yaukton.

Mandau.

Uncle,

Hoc-no'-seh

Ha-wa-te-no'-ra

Dake'-she

Ta-wa'-ra-to-ra

Aunt,

Ah-ga'-huc

Ah-ra'-hoc

Toh'-we

Cousin,

Ah-gare'-seh

Ja-ra'-seh

Ha-ka'-she

Nephew,

Ha-ya'-wan-da

Ha-shone'-dra-ka

Me-to^us'-ka

Father,

Ha'-nih

Hi-ese'-ta

Ah-ta'

Ta-tay'

Mother,

No-yeh'

Ah--na'-ah-

E'-nah

E-oo-ne'

Son,

Ha-ah'-wuk

A-ne'-ah

Me-chink'-she

Me-ne'-ka

Daughter,

Ka-ah'-wuk

E-ne'-ah

Me-chounk'-she

Me-no' ha-ka

Grandmother,

Oc'-sote

Ah'-shu-ta'

0-che

Nah-'-kc-a.

Kaw.

Otoe.

Chocta.

Cherokee.

Uncle,

Be-ja'-ga

Hin-cha'-ka

Ura-ush'i

E-du'-tsi

Aunt,

Be-je'-me

E-tu'-me

A-huc'-ne

E-hlau'-gi

Cousin,

Nephew,

Be-chose'-ka

Hin-tose'-ke

Sub-ai'-yih.

Un-ge-wi-nan

Father,

E-da'-je

Hin'-ka

A'-ki

E-dau'-dii

Mother,

E'-naw

He'-nah

Ush'-kl

E-tsi'

Son,

Be-she'-ga

He-ne'-cha

Suh'-suh

A-gwae-tsi'

Daughter,

She-me'-she-ga

Ile-yun-ga

Suh-suh'-take

A-gwae-tsi'

Grandmother,

E-ko'

Hin-ku'-ne

Up-puk'-nl

E-ni-si'

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY.

195

These terms represent four stock languages. To say there is a striking similarity
among them is hardly sufficient. There is more or less of affinity among them all,
which might be raised, by the recovery of a few intermediate links, to demonstrated
identity. In a few instances the identity seems to be apparent; e. g., the terms for
cousin in Seneca and Yankton; the terms for uncle in Seneca, Yankton, Chocta,
and Cherokee ; the term for aunt in Seneca, Chocta, and Cherokee ; and the term
for mother in Wyandote, Yankton, Mandan, and Kaw. From the present relation
of these dialects to each other, and more especially from the particular points of
agreement in their several systems of relationship, there appears to be sufficient
reason for classifying them together as branches of a common stem. This, for
sufficient reasons, has been called the Dakotan.

IV. Prairie Nations. 1. Pawnees. 2. Arickarees. (3. Witchitas. 4. Kichais.
5. Huecos. Not in the Table.)

Our limited knowledge of this branch of the Ganowanian family is explained
by their residence in the interior of the continent. The Pawnees and Arickarees
are the only nations belonging to this branch which have ever reached a locality as
far east as the Missouri River, and they were never known to reside upon its east
side. Having obtained and domesticated the horse at an early day, they haAre been
prairie Indians from the earliest period to which our knowledge of their existence
extends. The range of the Pawnees was upon and between the upper waters of
the Kansas and Platte Rivers, in Kansas and Nebraska; whilst the Arickarees, who
are a subdivision of the Pawnees, moved northward and established themselves
upon the Missouri, next south of the Mandans, where they became, to some extent,
agricultural and Village Indians. Their congeners, the Witchitas, Kichais, and
Huecos or Waccoes, held as their home country the region upon the Canadian
River, and between it and the Red River of Louisiana. Gregg was one of the
first to point out the connection of the last three nations named with the Pawnees.1
They have sometimes been called the Pawnee-Picts, from their habit of "profuse
tattooing."2 The late Prof. William W. Turner established the identity of their
dialects with the Pawnee by the selection of vocables in the note.3 I have taken

1 Commerce of the Prairie, II, 251, note. » Ib., II, 305.

8 Explorations for a Railroad Route, <fec. to the Pacific, III, 68. Rep. on Indian Tribes.

Grand Pawnee.
Morgan.

Arickaree.
Prince Maximilian.

Kichai.
Lieut. Whipple.

Witchita.
Capt. Marcy.

Hueeo.
Lieut. Whipple.

Woman,

Cha'-pa

Sa-pa'

Che-quoike

Kah-haak

Cah-he-ic

Mother,

A-te'-ra

Schach-ti

Cha'-che

Nut-ti-co-hay'-he

Ats'-ia

Ear,

TJt-ka-ha'-ro

At-ka'-ahn

A'-tik-a-ro-so

Ortz

Nose,

Chose

Sin-iht

Chus-ka-rai-o

Duts-tis'-toc

Tisk

Mouth,

Ah'-kow

Ha-kau

Hok-in-nik

Haw'-coo

Ah'-cok

Tongue,

Hat

Hah-tu

Hah'-toh

Huts-ke

Hotz

Hand,

Eck'-so

E'-schu

Ich-shen-e

Sim-he'-ho

Isk'-te

Foot,

Os'-su

Us-in-ic

Dats'-oske

Os

Sun,

Sak-o'-ru

Scha-kuhn

Kee'-shaw

Sah'-ki

Water,

Kates'-so

Stoh-cho

Ki'-o-koh

Keet-che

Kits'-ah

Dog,

Ah-sa'-ke

Chah-tsch

Keetch'-ah

Kit-si'-el

Black,

Ka'-tit

Te-ca-teh

Co'-rash

A-ha'-cod-e

One,

Os'-ko

Ach-ku

A-rish-co

Cha'-osth

Che-os

Two,

Pit'-ko

Pitt-cho

Cho'-sho

Witch

Witz

Three,

Ta'-weet

Tah-wit

Tah'-with-co

Taw-way

Tow

196 SYSTEMS OF C ON S A NGU INITY AND AFFINITY

the liberty to substitute the Pawnee words from an unpublished vocabulary of my
own in the place of Dr. Say's used by him.

I. Pawnees. 1. Grand Pawnees. 2. Republican Pawnee. 3. Loup Pawnee.
4. Tappas Pawnee.

The Pawnees are now divided into four bands, named as above, each of them
having a dialect distinctly marked, but the four being mutually intelligible. The
first call themselves Ohd'-ne ; the second call themselves Kit'-ka ; the third, Skee'-de,
signifying wolf; and the fourth, Pe-td-ha! -ne-rat. Whatever may have been their
former condition, the Pawnees are now among the most demoralized of our Indian
nations. Within the past fifty years they have diminished in numbers from causes
entirely independent of American intercourse.1 They have no friends among the
Indians of the plains. If a Pawnee and a Dakota, or a Pawnee and any other
Indian, of whatever nationality, meet upon the buffalo ranges, it is a deadly conflict
from the instant, without preliminaries and without quarter. In fighting qualities
they are not inferior to the best of their enemies, but the warfare is unequal, and
they are yielding before its influence. Indian nations speaking dialects of the
same stock language, though not perfectly intelligible to each other, are much
better able to keep the peace than those who speak dialects of different stock
languages, and who are thus unable to communicate with each other except through
interpreters, or by the language of signs which prevails throughout the interior of
the continent. The greatest blessing that could now be bestowed upon the Indian
family would be a common language. Difference of speech has undoubtedly been
the most fruitful cause of their perpetual warfare with each other.

The system of relationship of the Grand and Republican Pawnees and of the
Arickarees will be found in the Table. It prevails, without doubt, in the remain-
ing nations comprising this branch of the family. That of the Republican Pawnee
will be taken as the standard form. There is a peculiar series in the lineal line
which has not yet been found in any other nation, and which appears to be limited
to these nations. It is also repeated in the collateral lines. From its singularity,
it deserves a special notice.

My great-great-grandfather. Ah-te'-is.1 My father.

" great-grandfather. Te-wa-cliir'-iks. " uncle.

" grandfather. Ah-te'-put. " grandfather.

" father. Ah-te'-is. " father.

Myself. Late. I.

My son. Pe'-row. My child.

" grandson. Lak-te'-gish. " grandson.

" great-grandson. Te-wat. " nephew.

" great-great-grandson. Pe'-row. " child.

It will be observed that the principle of Correlative relationship is strictly pur-
sued ; e. g., the one I call son, calls me father ; the one I call nephew, calls me
uncle ; and the second one I call son, calls me father. This series must be explained
as a refinement upon the common form, designed to discriminate the several ances-

1 They now number less than 4000 souls.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 197

tors above grandfather and the several descendants below grandson from each other.
It is repeated both in the lineal and collateral lines as far as you choose to follow
the chain of consanguinity.

Another peculiarity of the Pawnee consists in the absence of separate terms for
elder and younger brother, and for elder and younger sister. There are terms for
brother and sister in the abstract which are used by the males, and another set
used by the females ; besides which there is a series of terms, as in the Dakota and
Winnebagoe, for each of several sons, and for each of several daughters, according
to the order of their birth. The plural number is wanting, not only as to the terms
of relationship, but it is also said to be entirely wanting in the language itself.1
It is formed by adding the number, or the word for all.

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
son and daughter. With Ego a female, they are the same.

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece.
With Ego a female, they are my son and daughter.

Third. My father's brother is my father.

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter are my brother and sister,
E-dali'-deh and E-td'-heh. With Ego a female they are the same, but different
terms are used, E-rats'-leh and E-dd'-deh.

Fifth (wanting). My father's sister is my mother.

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle.

Seventh. My mother's sister is my mother.

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter are my brother and sister.

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.

Tenth. The several collateral lines follow the series established in the lineal line ;
e.g., the son and daughter of my collateral brother, Ego a male, are my son and
daughter ; of my collateral sister, are my nephew and niece ; and the children of
each are my grandchildren. The children of the latter — that is, of my grand-
children— are my nephews and nieces ; their children are, again, my sons and
daughters ; and the children of the latter are my grandchildren.

With respect to the relationships between the children of a brother and sister,
they are as follows : My father's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
father and mother ; the son and daughter of this father are my brother and sister ;
and the series below is the same as in the case of the descendants of my other col-
lateral brothers. The son and daughter of this mother are my father and mother
again, and their respective descendants continue to be fathers and mothers in an
infinite series. This is variant from the Chocta form in some particulars. With
Ego a female these relationships are the same.

1 This fact was communicated to me by Rev. Samuel Allis, who for twenty-five years was a
missionary of the American Board among the Pawnees. The pronouns my or mine, they, and his
are separate, e. g. : —

My head, Pak'-so ko'-ta-te. My face, Ska'-o ko'-ta-te.

Thy " Pak'-so ko'-ta-se. Thy " Ska'-o ko'-ta-se.

His " Pak'-so ko'-ta. His " Ska'-o ko'-ta.

198 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

On the reverse side, my mother's brother's son and daughter, Ego male or female,
are my son and daughter ; and their children are my grandchildren.

The third and more remote collateral lines are the same as the second in the
classification of persons, but with additional ancestors.

Upon the basis of the presence in the Pawnee of nine out of ten of the indicative
characteristics of the typical system, there can be no doubt of its identity with it,
and that it was transmitted to them with the blood from the common original source.

2. Arickaree. When Lewis and Clarke ascended the Missouri River in 1804 —
1805, they found the Arickarees living in villages below the mouth of the Cannon
Ball River, and consequently below the Mandans. Their lodges were constructed
upon the Minnitaree model, and they were then, as now, agricultural and Village
Indians. " They cultivate," say these explorers, " maize or Indian-corn, beans,
pumpkins, watermelons, squashes, and a species of tobacco peculiar to themselves."1
From the Mandans and Minnitarees they undoubtedly learned the arts of cultiva-
tion and of housebuilding. The Pawnees, with whom they immediately affiliate,
were neither Village nor agricultural Indians until after they became established
upon a reservation under government protection, which was quite recently effected.
Mr. Gallatin observes that "it is said of the Pawnees that they raised no more
maize than was necessary to whiten their broth,"2 and he might have added a
doubt whether even this was of their own producing. The Arickarees were never
numerous. Their present village is on the west side of the Missouri, a short dis-
tance above that of the Minnitarees. At the time they made their last change of
residence, in 1862, the latter nation urged them to settle with them in their village,
as the Mandans had done, for mutual protection against the Dakotas, their common
enemies ; but they declined to live upon the east side of the river, alleging as a
reason that their ancestors had always refused to establish themselves upon that
side, and that they were fearful of evil consequences if they crossed their tradi-
tionary eastern boundary.

The Arickaree schedule in the Table is ^incomplete. This language is not
accessible, except with extreme difficulty. A few of the traders have partially
acquired the language, but not sufficiently for the prosecution of minute inquiries.
When at the Arickaree village, I found but one man, Pierre Garrow, a half-blood,
who spoke both that language and English. He was sufficiently qualified, but
averse to giving information. Through the friendly offices of Mr. Andrew Dawson,
chief factor of the American Fur Company, who was there at the time, the little
that was obtained was secured. Incomplete as the schedule is, it is quite sufficient
to establish the identity of the Arickaree and Pawnee forms, as will be seen by
consulting the Table.

Notwithstanding the great divergence of the dialects of the Prairie nations from
the others in the Table, these nations have been placed, provisionally, in the Da-
kotan connection. The agreement of their system of relationship with that of the
Gulf nations, and of the Minnitarees and Crows, in those respects in which it is

1 Travels, p, 18. » Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., Intro, xlviii.

OP THE HUMAN FAMILY. 199

variant from that of the remaining nations, furnishes sufficient grounds to justify the
classification. These dialects, however, stand upon the outer edge of the Dakotan
speech, without any connection in their vocables, and depending for this connection
linguistically upon the grammatical structure of the language. The Pawnee and
its cognate dialects still hold the position of an independent stock language.

The marriage relationships have been passed over. They will be found in the
Table fully extended, and to be in general agreement with the Seneca marriage
relationships. They are sufficient in themselves to demonstrate the unity of the
system ; but this conclusion is believed to be sufficiently substantiated without the
additional strength which their concurrence affords. The people of all of these
nations address each other, when related, by the term of relationship.

We have now considered the system of relationship of thirty-five Indian nations,
contained, with more or less completeness of detail, in the Table. These carry
with them, by necessary implication, the system of a number of other immediately
affiliated nations, named herein in their proper connections. They represent five
stock languages, namely : the Hodenosaunian, the Dakota, the Creek, the Cherokee,
and the Pawnee. The nations named also include all the principal branches of the
Ganowanian family east of the Rocky Mountain chain, which were found south of
the Siskatchewun and Hudson's Bay, and north of the Gulf of Mexico and the
Rio Grande, with the exception of the Algonkin, the Shoshonee, and a few incon-
siderable nations whose linguistic affiliations are not well established. The con-
stancy and uniformity with which the fundamental characteristics of the system
have maintained themselves appear to furnish abundant evidence of the unity of
origin of these nations, and to afford a sufficient basis for their classification
together as a family of nations. The testimony from identity of systems in these
several stocks, when judged by any proper standard, must be held to be conclusive
upon this question. It is of some importance to have reached the assurance that
upon this system of relationship we may commence the construction of an Indian
family, and that it contains within itself all the elements necessary to determine
the question whether any other nation is entitled to admission into the family.

The Algonkin and Athapasco-Apache branches, together with the nations upon
the Pacific slopes, will next claim our attention.

200 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

CHAPTER IV.

SYSTEM OF RELATIONSHIP OF THE GANOWANIAN FAMILY.— CONTINUED.

Algonldn Nations.

Area occupied by the Algonkin Nations— Nearness of their Dialects — Classification of these Nations into Groups—

I. Gichigamian Nations — Their Area and Dialects— 1. Ojibwas — Their System of Consanguinity— Indicative
Relationships — Identical with the Seneca and Yaukton — 2. Otawas — 3. Potawattamies — Their System agrees
with the Ojibwa — 4. Crees — Their Dialects — Their System — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Ojibwa.

II. Mississippi Nations— Their Area and Dialects— 1. Miamis — 2. Illinois (Weaws, Piankeshaws, Kaskaskias, and
Peorias) — Miami System taken as the Standard Form of these Nations— Indicative Relationships — Deviation
from Uniformity— Identical with Ojibwa in Radical Characteristics— 3. Sawks and Foxes — Their Area and Dia-
lect—Agricultural Habits — 4. Kikapoos — Their Area and Dialect— 5. Menominees— Their Area and Dialect— The
System of these Nations agrees with the Miami— 6. Shiyans— Their former Area and Dialect — Their System of
Consanguinity — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Miami — 7. Shawnees — Original Area — Migrations —
Improved State of Dialect — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Miami. III. Atlantic Nations— Their Area
and Dialects — 1. Delawares — One of the Oldest of Algonkiu Nations — Their System of Consanguinity— Indicative
Relationships — Deviation from Uniformity — Their System in Radical Agreement with the Ojibwa — 2. Munsees—
Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Delaware — 3. Mohegans — Indicative Relationships — 4. Etchemins —
Indicative Relationships — 5. Micmacs — Indicative Relationships — System of these Nations in Radical Agreement
with the Delaware and Ojibwa. IV. Rocky Mountain Nations — 1. Blackfeet — Their Area and Dialect — Piegau
System — Indicative Relationships — Agree with the Ojibwa — 2. Ahahnelins — Former Area, and Dialect — Indica-
tive Relationships — Agree with the Blackfoot — Concluding Observations — Unity of the System of Relationship
of the Algonkiu Nations— Systems of the Algoukin and Dakotau Nations Identical.

THE limits of the Algonkin speech have been definitely ascertained. Its nume-
rous dialects are nearer to each other than those of any other Indian stock language
of equal spread. This stem of the Ganowanian family contains but a single stock
language, which will be seen, as well as the nearness of its dialects, by consulting
the Table (Table II). To such an extent is this nearness still preserved, that it
suggests the probability that the Algonkins are comparatively modern upon the
eastern side of the continent. The area occupied by these nations was immense
in its territorial extent. At the period of European discovery they were found
thinly scattered along the Atlantic seaboard from Labrador to the southern limits
of North Carolina ; and as the interior was subsequently explored, they were found
continuously along the St. Lawrence, north of the chain of lakes, along the Red
River of the North, and the Siskatchewun,1 quite to the foot of the Rocky Mountain
chain. All of Canada was Algonkin, except a narrow fringe upon the north, held
by the Eskimo ; and the peninsula between Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario, occu-
pied by the Hurons and Neutral Nation. The southern portion of the Hudson's

1 The orthography of the word is taken from the original name in the Cree language, Kis-sis
katch'-e-wun, "Swift Water."

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY 201

Bay Territory, south of the Siskatchewim and Nelson's Eiver, was the same. New
England, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and the eastern parts of Pennsylvania,
Virginia, and North Carolina, formed a part of the area of occupancy of this
branch of the Ganowanian family. Along the Mississippi, from Lake Pepin to the
mouth of the Ohio, and eastward to Indiana, including a part of the latter State,
Illinois, Michigan, and the greater part of Wisconsin, the same people were dis-
tributed ; while one nation, the Shawnees, occupied south of the Ohio, in the
western part of the present State of Kentucky. Their eccentric spread southward
along the Atlantic coast was forced by the development of the Iroquois nations
within the central part of their area; and their spread down the Mississippi was, in
like manner, probably due to the pressure of the Dakota nations upon the western
boundaries of their area. The Algonkins were essentially a northern people, the
main thread of their occupancy being the chain of lakes and the St. Lawrence.

In its development, the Algonkin ranks as the equal of the Dakotan languages.
The more advanced dialects of the former are less vigorous and rugged in their
pronunciation and accentuation than the equally improved dialects of the latter,
and consequently are smoother and softer, as may be seen, to some extent, by a
comparison of their respective vocables in the Tables. In the Shawnee, the Cree,
and the Ojibwa are found the highest specimens of the Algonkin speech.

There is one peculiarity of Indian languages deserving of attention. It is found
in the individualization of each syllable. In each word every syllable is pronounced
with a distinctness so marked as to tend to its isolation. Instead of an easy transi-
tion of sound from one syllable into the next, the change is so abrupt as to result in
hiatus rather than coalescence. The general effect is heightened by the vehemence
of the accent, which is another characteristic of the most of the Ganowanian lan-
guages. This may be illustrated by the word Ga-sko' '-sd-go, which is the name for
Rochester in the Seneca-Iroquois. It would be difficult to form and put together
four syllables which would maintain to a greater extent the individuality of each
in their pronunciation. Between the penult and antepenult the transition is the
easiest ; but the effect is arrested by the intervention of the accent. These two
features are strongly impressed upon the principal dialects east of the Eocky
Mountain chain. If the Ganowanian languages were characterized as syllabical
rather than agglutinated, the term would be more accurate.1

1 The present classification of the languages of mankind into monosyllabical, agglutinated, and
inflectional does not seem to be well founded. The principal objection lies to the last term as
distinctive of the Aryan and Semitic languages. Inflection is a not less striking characteristic of
the Ganowanian languages than agglutination. Conjugation, which is the all-controlling principle
of these languages, together with agglutination, are continually submerging the word ; whilst in the
Aryan and Semitic languages the word is more definite and concrete. There is a decisive tendency
in the inflectional languages, so called, to lessen inflection, and, so to speak, to solidify its words.
This is shown by the development of the present Aryan languages into their modern forms. They
are languages of complete and perfect words, as distinguished from the monosyllabical and polysyl-
labical, which are yet, in some sense, in the syllable stage. The three forms appear to give — 1. The
language of single syllables ; 2. The language of many syllables ; and 3. The language of words.
26 March, 1870.

202 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

I. Gichigamian, or Great Lake Nations. II. Mississippi Nations. III. Atlantic
Nations. IV. Rocky Mountain Nations.

The Algonkin nations fall naturally into the foregoing groups. As an inter-
classification it is sustained by dialectical affinities, and by special features in their
respective systems of relationship. Under the operation of the same inexorable
law that produced the repeated subdivision of the Dakotan stem, and scattered its
parts over wide areas, they have been broken up into a large number of politically
distinct nations. Relying chiefly upon fish and game for subsistence, when an
excess of population appeared within a particular area, the surplus were forced to
spread abroad in search of a new seat, where, in due time, they established an
independent nationality. Their form of government, which was incapable of
following the people by expansion from a fixed centre, was perfect in every band ;
whence every band was a nation in embryo. The subdividings and the migrations
of the Ganowanian nations were pre-eminently under the control of physical causes,
the unbroken supremacy of which continued from the commencement of their career
upon the North American continent down to the period of European colonization.
It is still possible to retrace to a very considerable extent, the lines of the outflow
of these nations from each other ; and the direction of the spread of the several
stocks from a common initial point. Were it not for the breaking up and absorp-
tion of nations that would have constituted the intermediate links, the precise
relations of these stocks and stems of peoples to each other, as members of a com-
mon family, might not be beyond hope of recovery. At least the family may be
resolved into great branches represented by stock languages, and the branches into
groups represented by closely affiliated dialects. More than this is material only
to establish the unity of these stock languages. Upon this last question their
system of relationship offers an independent testimony which seems to be sufficient
for its determination in the affirmative.

I. Gichigamian,1 or Great Lake Nations.

1. Ojibwas. 2. Otawas. 3. Potawattamics. 4. Crees.

When the Jesuit missionaries first reached Lake Superior (1641) they found the
principal establishment of the Ojibwas at St. Mary's Falls or rapids, at the outlet
of this lake, and spread for some distance above upon both its northern and south-
ern shores. At the same time the Otawas2 inhabited the Manitoulin Islands
scattered along the north side of the Georgian Bay, of Lake Huron, and the
islands in the straits of Mackinaw ; while a portion of them were then spreading
southward over lower Michigan. Their previous home country was upon the
Otawa River of Canada, and between it and Lake Superior, north of the Huron
area ; but they had been forced to leave this region by the irruptions of the Iro-
quois, who had extended their forays to the Otawa River, and thence to the shores
of Lake Superior. With respect to the Potawattamies3 their precise location is not

1 Gl-chi-gd-me, "the Great Lake," from the Ojibwa, Gi'-chi, or GirtcM, great, and ga'-me, lake.
They applied this name to each of the great lakes ; Ma-she-ga'-me to all large lakes ; and Sa-ga-e'-
fjus to the small lakes.

3 Pronounced O-la'-wa. * Pronounced Po-ta-wat'-ta-me.

OF TIIE HUMAN FAMILY. 203

as well ascertained. They were frontagers of the Dakotas, and occupied some
part of Northern Wisconsin, ranging eastward towards Lake Michigan, and the
occupancy of the Ojibwas on Lake Superior. Between these nations, whose dia-
lects closely affiliate, there was a political alliance, which existed to as late a period
as 1767, when they were called by Sir William Johnson " the Otawa Confederacy."
In the Otawa dialect, this league was styled Norsioa'-ba-ne-zid', signifying " Three
Council Fires in One." Among confederated Indian nations there is usually an
order of precedence in council established which indicates their relative rank, and
not unfrequently the parent nation. In the Otawa confederacy the Ojibwas were
styled the " Elder Brother," the Otawas, " Next Oldest Brother," and the Potawat-
tamies, " Younger Brother."1 These nations were probably subdivisions of one
original nation ; and the immediate progenitors of four other nations, called collec-
tively, at one time, the Illinois, namely, the Kaskaskias, Peorias, Weas, and Pianke-
shaws, who occupied the quadrangle between the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the
foot of Lake Michigan.

On the earliest map of Lake Superior in the relations of the Jesuits (1641-1667)
the Kenistenaux or Crees are placed northwest of this lake, between it and Lake
Winnipeg. They were afterwards found to spread eastward as far as the regions
north of Montreal; and to hold the area between Lake Superior and Hudson's Bay,
and thence westward to the Red River of the North and the Siskatchewan. They
were evidently drawing westward at the epoch of the discovery, the causes of
which may be traced to the rapid growth of the power and influence of the Iro-
quois. It is also probable that a portion of the New England Algonkins retired in
this direction.

The four nations named are designated the Gichigamian or Great Lake Nations.
Collectively they form one of the most conspicuous groups of this branch of the
Ganowanian family ; and from the earliest period, to which their traditions extend,
they have been identified with these lakes. It is also extremely probable, from the
great fisheries they afford, that these lakes have been the nursery of this stem of
the family, and the secondary initial point of migration to the valley of the
Saint Lawrence, and thence to the Atlantic seaboard ; and also to the valleys of
the Mississippi and the Ohio. They seem to stand intermediate between the east-
ern, the southern, and the western Algonkins.

The system of consanguinity and affinity of the four groups of nations will be
considered in the order in which they are arranged.

1. Ojibwas. Under the more familiar name of Chippewas, this nation has become
so well known, historically, that a reference to their civil affairs will be unnecessary.
Small bands of this people still inhabit the south shore of Lake Superior, at the
Sault St. Mary, and around Marquette and L'Anse Bays; but the great body of
them now occupy the country around Leach and Red Lakes, in Western Minnesota.
They number about ten thousand. Their system of relationship agrees intimately

1 A similar order of procedure in council existed among the Iroquois ; the Mohawks, Onandagas,
and Senecas were collectively styled " Fathers," and tiie Cayugas, Oneidas, and Tuscaroras " Sons,"
and the nations were named in this relative order. — Of. League of (he Iroquois, pp. 96 and 118.

204 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

with that of the Otawas, Potawattamies, and Crees. It also contains certain special
features in which these nations agree with each other, but differ from the other
Algonkin nations. The Ojibwa system will be adopted as the standard. Four
complete schedules of this form are given in the Table — first, to show the slight
amount of dialectical variation which has arisen in the Ojibwa, notwithstanding the
geographical separation of their numerous bands ; and secondly, the permanence
of the special features of the system. No other form has been more thoroughly
explored, and it appears to exhaust all the capabilities for specialization which the
fundamental conceptions of the system render possible.

There are original terms for grandfather and grandmother, Ne-ma-sho-mis' and
No'-ko-mis' ;. for father and mother, Noss and Nin-gah' ; for son and daughter, Nin-
gwis' and Nin-da'-niss; and a term in common gender for grandchild, No-she-s7ia' .
All ancestors above the first are grandfathers and grandmothers, and all descendants
below the last are grandchildren.

The relationships of brother and sister are held in the twofold form of elder and
younger, and there are separate terms for each ; Ni-sa-ya', elder brother, and Ne-
mis-sa', younger brother; but the term for younger brother and younger sister,
Ne-sfe'-ma, is in common gender, and applied to both.

It will be understood that what is stated in each of the last two paragraphs is also
true with respect to every other Algonkin nation, unless the contrary is mentioned.

First Indicative Feature. My brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my
step-son, N'-do'-zhim, and my step-daughter, N'-do'-zTie-mi-kwame. With Ego a
female, they are my nephew and niece, Ne-nin'-gwi-nis' and Ne-she-mis' .

Second. My sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my nephew and niece,
Ne-nin'-gwi-nis' and Ne-she-mis'. With Ego a female, they are my step-son and
step-daughter.

Third. My father's brother is my step-father, Ne-mis7i'-s7io-ma.

Fourth. My father's brother's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-brother,
Ne-ka'^na, and my step-sister, Nin-da-wa'-ma. With Ego a female, they are my
brother, elder or younger, and my sister, elder or younger.

Fifth. My father's sister is my aunt, Ne-see-gus'.

Sixth. My mother's brother is my uncle, Ne-zhish-sha' .

Seventh. My mother's sister is my step-mother, Ne-no-sha.1

Eighth. My mother's sister's son and daughter, Ego a male, are my step-brother
and step-sister ; but the latter, if younger than myself, is my younger sister. With
Ego a female, they are my brothers and sisters, elder or younger.

Ninth. My grandfather's brother is my grandfather.

Tenth. The grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, and the grandchildren of
my collateral brothers and sisters, of my step-brothers and step-sisters, and of my
male and female cousins, are, without distinction, my grandchildren.

1 I think, if re-examined, it will be found that my mother's sister is my mother, and my father's
brother my father, Ego a female ; and that my sister's son, Ego a female, is my daughter. In other
words, the step-relationships are used by the males, whilst the females use the full terms. The
Tables show this in part.

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 205

It will be seen, by consulting the Table, that the principles of classification in
the first collateral line are applied to the second, third, and fourth collateral lines,
as in the Seneca and Yankton ; thus, the sons and daughters of my step-brothers,
and of my male cousins, Ego a male, are my step-sons and step-daughters, while the
children of my step-sisters and of my female cousins are my nephews and nieces.
With Ego a female, the children of the former are my nephews and nieces, and of
the latter are my sons and daughters.

Amongst the Gichigamian nations the relationship of cousin is found, but
restricted, as usual, to the children of a brother and sister ; thus, my father's sister's
son and daughter are my male and female cousins, Ne-ta-wis and Ne-ne-moo-sha' ' .
In like manner, my grandfather's brother's grandson and granddaughter are my
cousins. On the mother's side, my mother's brother's son and daughter, and my
grandmother's brother's grandson and granddaughter, are respectively my male
and female cousins.

In the marriage relationship the Ojibwa system is in equally striking agreement
with the Seneca and Yankton. Each of the wives of my step-sons and nephews is
my daughter-in-law, Ne-sim! ; and ea£h of the husbands of my several step-daughters
and nieces is my son-in-law, Ne-nin-gwun', the same as the wife and husband of my
own son and daughter. In like manner, the wives of my several step-brothers and
male cousins are respectively my sisters-in-law, and the husbands of my several
step-sisters and female cousins are my brothers-in-law. For a further knowledge
of these relationships reference is made to the Table, in which they will be found
fully presented

If the Seneca-Iroquois and Yankton-Dakota forms are placed side by side with
the Ojibwa, the differences are found to be so inconsiderable, both in the relation-
ships of consanguinity and affinity, as to excite astonishment. We have crossed
from one stock language into another, and from one of the great stems of the
Ganowanian family into another, and find not only the radical features of the
common system intact, hut their subordinate details coincident down to minute
particulars. At the same time, the terms of relationship are changed beyond the
reach of recognition. One set of diagrams, with scarcely the alteration of a rela-
tionship, would answer for the three forms, the classification of blood kindred and
of marriage relations being substantially the same in all. The chief difference
consists in the substitution of the step-relationships for a portion of the primary,
which will be found to be simply a refinement upon an original system in all
respects identical with the Seneca and Yankton. This is conclusively shown by
the present condition of the system amongst their nearest congeners, the Mississippi
nations, among whom the step-relationships are unknown in this connection. A
further and still stronger impression is thus obtained of the great antiquity of this
extraordinary system of relationship in the Ganowanian family, of its power to
perpetuate itself, and of the fact of its transmission with the blood.

2. Otawas. 3. Potawattamies. The forms which prevail in these nations agree
so closely with the Ojibwa, that it will not be necessary to consider them separately.
It will also be seen, by consulting the Table, that their dialects approach each other
very nearly. At the time of the settlement of Detroit, a portion of the Otawas

206 SYSTEMS OF CONSANGUINITY AND AFFINITY

were settled upon the Detroit River. The largest number of them are now in
Kansas ; but there are small bands still upon the north shores of Lake Huron and
the Georgian Bay, and still other individuals intermingled with the Ojibwas. They
number collectively about two thousand. The Potawattamies occupied around the
south shores of Lake Michigan at the time the settlement was commenced at
Chicago, about 1830. The most of them are now established upon a reservation
in Kansas. They number collectively about three thousand.

4. Crees. The Cree language is now spoken in three dialects, without any cor-
responding division of the people into three geographically distinct nations. They
are called the Cree of the Lowlands, the Cree of the Woods, and the Cree of the
Prairie, of which the former is the least and the latter is the most developed.
There is a belt of thick wood country extending for about three hundred miles
from the southern circuit of Hudson's Bay, reaching to Lake Winnipeg on the
west, and on the south to the dividing ridge between this bay and Lake Superior
and the St. Lawrence, which has been the home country of the Crees from the
earliest period to which our knowledge extends. Sir George Simpson states, in
his testimony before a Parliamentary commission, that this thick wood country
"has a larger surface of water than of land."1 Their occupation of the prairie
regions upon the Red River of the North and the Siskatchewun was undoubtedly
comparatively modern. The prairie dialect, therefore, which is the speech of the
largest number of the Crees, represents that portion of the people who first emi-
grated from the thick wood country into the plains, and which may have been at
the time in the incipient stages of its development. The differences among the
three are still very slight, as will be seen by comparing the terms in the Table.
Of the variations in the pronouns the following may be taken as illustrations : —

Mine. Thine. His.

Cree of the Lowlands. Ne-nii'. Wc-na-wou'. We-nil'.

Woods. Ne-la'. We-la-wou'. We-la'.

" " Prairie. Ne-ya'. We-a-wou'. We-ya'.

The Crees speak of each other as belonging to one of these three branches of
the nation, although the dialects, colloquially, are mutually intelligible without the
slightest difficulty. In the terms of relationship in the Table other differences will
be observed, but they are less in the aggregate than among any other dialects given,
not excepting the Dakota. This language is open and accessible to a greater
extent than any other upon the American continent, from the large number of
whites by whom it has been acquired, and from the unusually large number of
half-bloods speaking English, to whom the Cree is the mother tongue.2 Under the

1 Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company, made to the British Parlia-
ment in 1857, p. 55.

1 An exceedingly interesting experiment is now in progress at Selkirk, or Red River Settlement,
near Lake Winnipeg. Along the banks of this river, from the mouth of the Asiniboine River for
some twelve miles down towards the lake, there is a straggling village containing near ten thousand
people, made up chiefly of half-blood Crees, but showing all shades of color, from the pure white
Orkney Islander, through all the intermediate degrees of intermixture, to the full-blooded Cree. The
Hudson's Bay Company, at an early day, induced Orkney men to emigrate to their territory, to act

OF THE HUMAN FAMILY. 207

influence of the Hudson's Bay Company, the Crees have been kept at peace among
themselves, and to a great extent with contiguous nations, consequently they have
made considerable progress in numbers and in civilization. With the exception,
however, of the agricultural half-bloods, they are not as far advanced as many
other Indian nations.

Their system of relationship was procured with unusual facility. The first
schedule, that of the Lowland Cree, was obtained at the Sault St. Mary, in 1860,
through a half-blood Cree from Moose Factory, on Hudson's Bay ; the second, that
of the Prairie Crees, in 1861, at Georgetown, on the Red River of the North, from
Mrs. Alexander H. Murray, a quarter-blood Cree from Peace River, near Athapasca
Lake. She was the wife of Mr. A. H. Murray, one of the factors of the Hudson's
Bay Company, then stationed at Georgetown, and an educated and accomplished

in the service of the Company in the capacity of trappers and traders. These adventurers took
the Cree women, first as companions, and afterwards, under religious influences, as wives ; and when
their term of service expired, took up small farms with a narrow front on the river and extending
back on the prairie as far as they chose to cultivate, and became a settled agricultural people. The
result, in the course of a hundred or more years, has been the development of this large population
at Red River Settlement of mixed Indian and European blood, followed by the introduction among
them of the habits and usages of civilized life. This population are still drawing fresh blood both
from native and European sources ; hence the main condition of the experiment — namely, their
isolation from both stocks — has not yet been reached. But there is a permanently established half
blood class, intermediate between the tw